Archive for the ‘ A New Framework for Growth and Equity ’ Category

Obama Needs New Growth Story

Thursday, September 1st, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

President ObamaThe White House this week is dribbling out new details about Obama’s forthcoming jobs package. Liberals already are complaining that the president is thinking too small, while conservatives dismiss his ideas as just more “stimulus” in drag.

Neither critique gets to the heart of the problem. The U.S. economy is enduring an investment and job drought that began well before the Great Recession hit late in 2007. The public is strikingly pessimistic about the nation’s economic prospects and has lost confidence in the conventional remedies pushed by both parties.

More than a batch of new programs, Americans need a new story about how to regain our economic dynamism. We need a fundamentally new model for economic growth, and the president’s kit-bag of new micro-initiatives doesn’t add up to one.

His proposals mostly seem sensible, but absent a new vision for dealing with the economy’s structural problems, they give off a whiff of spaghetti-against-the-wall desperation. The administration is hoping that something, anything will move the needle on job creation and get unemployment trending down.

Here, according to various media accounts, is what the White House job package is likely to include:

  • A $5,000 tax credit for hew hires.
  • A five percent reduction in payroll taxes on any net increase in wages.
  • $50 billion in new spending on infrastructure.
  • An overhaul of patent laws to encourage faster innovation.
  • A new mortgage refinancing scheme to help “underwater” homeowners avoid foreclosures that are depressing housing prices.

Liberals have a point in arguing that these initiatives are unlikely to have more than a marginal impact on jobs and economic growth. The tax credit and payroll tax reduction will likely expand employment, but they also will reward companies for hiring workers they would have hired in any case. Michael Greenstone, former chief economist for the president’s Council of Economic Advisers, estimates the tax credit will create 900,000 additional jobs at a cost of $30 billion. The United States must create 21 million new jobs over the next decade to return to full employment.

Modernizing America’s antiquated infrastructure is essential, even if the immediate job gains are likely to be modest. While it’s conceivable that $50 billion could leverage large-scale private investment in new infrastructure, there’s a catch: The administration does not envision funneling that money into a truly independent infrastructure bank. That’s likely to scare off private investors, who need assurances that big capital projects will be chosen on economic rather than political grounds.

The real problem, however, isn’t that Obama isn’t spending enough. It’s that this spray of programmatic buckshot won’t deal with structural impediments to economic innovation and growth. As PPI has argued, U.S. policy makers need a new model of economic growth centered on production, not consumption; on saving and investing, not borrowing; and on exports, not imports.

Obama needs to fit his specific initiatives within the broader story of an American economic comeback sparked by a shift from debt-fueled consumption to domestic production. This narrative should explain how overconsumption—by both U.S. households and governments—helped to create the job slowdown, wage stagnation, financial bubbles and exploding debts that have plagued our economy since 2000. It would connect America’s twin economic imperatives: creating jobs and controlling the national debt. It would say: If we don’t curb the unsustainable growth of entitlement spending (mostly for health care consumption), we will squeeze out strategic public investments the nation’s physical, human and knowledge capital—infrastructure, skilled workers, and new technology.

But a “producer society” narrative doesn’t just reinforce progressive demands for more strategic public investment. It also lends weight to conservative calls for policies that create a climate more conducive to innovation, entrepreneurship, and business creation. In fact, it will take a new fusion of liberal and conservative economic prescriptions to get America moving again.

Key elements of such a fusion include a sweeping overhaul of personal and corporate taxes, a light-handed approach to regulating companies that invest heavily in innovation,  stronger constraints on Medicare and Medicaid spending, new investments in technical education to supply workers for advanced manufacturing, and the transformation of our archaic K-12 school system by choice and digital learning. And, as I’ve written elsewhere, it also requires a new partnership between U.S. workers and those companies that are investing in creating jobs in the United States.

President Obama’s ideas for spurring job growth are fine as far as they go, but they don’t go nearly far enough. He needs to offer the country a new story of economic success, that once again makes America a dynamo of production and middle class job creation.

Photo credit: OFA

A Negative Sign for Investment and Job Growth

Wednesday, August 31st, 2011
Michael Mandel



Michael Mandel is the chief economic strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute and the founder of Visible Economy LLC, a New York-based news and education company.

by Michael Mandel

There’s a good rule of thumb–you get what you reward.

Here’s a summary of current U.S. policy towards big corporations: Invest in the U.S., create jobs, and get sued by the government.

You would think that during a business investment drought, any company that puts big money into the U.S. would be patted on the back. But no…

AT&T is the company which is putting the most money into the U.S.—almost $20 billion in capital spending in 2010. AT&T is also planning to bring back call center jobs from overseas. AT&T is also getting sued by the Justice Department to block the merger with T-Mobile.

Frankly, this sends a signal to U.S. companies that getting out of  the reach of government regulators by going overseas is the right strategy.

Crossposted from Innovation and Growth.

Welfare Nostalgia Won’t Help Poor

Friday, August 26th, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

Some liberal commentators marked the 15th anniversary of welfare reform this week with a curious lament: Welfare rolls aren’t growing fast enough.

“If you think the point of the program is to help the poor, then no, welfare reform is not working,” asserts Ezra Klein of the Washington Post. He cites an article by Jake Blumgart in The American Prospect, who frets that welfare rolls have “merely inched upward” during the late recession and jobless recovery.

“At the heart of the worst recession in 80 years, TANF (Temporary Assistance for Needy Families) funds only reached 4.5 million families, or 28 percent of those living in poverty,” Blumgart writes. “By contrast, in 1995, the old welfare system covered 13.5 million families, or 75 percent of those living in poverty.”

Before we wax too nostalgic for the good old days of big welfare rolls, it’s worth remembering that progressives led the charge for welfare reform.

“Ending welfare as we know it” was arguably President Bill Clinton’s most radical challenge to the political status quo, and the biggest policy change to happen on his watch. By the time he took office in 1992, the welfare system was held in nearly universal contempt by Americans across the socio-economic spectrum. Not only had it failed to make a dent in poverty, but taxpayers believed it undermined work, personal responsibility and family. The system also had failed the poor, providing them neither effective preparation for work or links to jobs, nor public subsidies sufficient to lift them out of poverty.

Clinton had a better idea: Rather than subsidizing dependence on the state and isolation from the economic mainstream, public assistance ought to require and reward work. To “make work pay,” Clinton got Congress in 1993 to approve a massive expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit, which is essentially a “work bonus” for low-wage earners. The credit has become a social policy rarity—an anti-poverty program that actually works.

On Aug. 21, 1996, after having vetoed two draconian bills sent to him by the Republican Congress, Clinton signed a law which put a time limit on benefits, and replaced the old, open-ended welfare entitlement with a block grant to the states. In combination with the work bonus and other reforms (e.g., cracking down on deadbeat dads and expanding child care support) and a robustly growing economy, the results were galvanic.

More than 7 million people left the rolls between 1996 and 2001. From its peak of 14.4 million in March 1994, the number of people on welfare dropped by 63 percent to 5.3 million in 2001. Millions of welfare recipients left the dole for jobs. Teen pregnancy and out-of-wedlock birth rates dropped dramatically. And the number of Americans living in poverty declined dramatically, by nearly 8 million people.

While some liberals predicted that ending the entitlement would produce scenes of Calcutta-style misery in America—and a few quit the Clinton administration in protest—the public heartily approved. By realigning U.S. social assistance with a strong work ethic and personal responsibility, Clinton’s reforms helped mitigate public hostility toward public assistance and unlock Americans inherent generosity—overall federal and state spending (including EITC costs) to support low-income families actually rose after 1996. They also deprived culture warriors of a favorite, racially tinged theme: When was the last time you heard a Republican candidate mock “welfare queens?”

In the late 1990s, of course, jobs were plentiful. Now the economy isn’t creating enough jobs to bring unemployment back down to earth. Obviously this undercuts policies aimed at speeding transitions from welfare to work, and liberals are right to draw attention to the hardships the jobless recovery imposes on our most vulnerable families.

But they are wrong to assume that welfare’s cash payments are somehow still central to America’s efforts to fight poverty, relieve social distress or shorten recessions. Clinton’s emphasis on “work first” made the unemployment system, rather than welfare, the safety net of first resort for low-income families in downturns. And indeed that is what has happened.

According to a recent Urban Institute fact sheet:

“Unemployment benefits substitute for welfare: three in ten low-income (below 200 percent of the federal poverty level) single parents received unemployment benefits in 2009, double the share receiving in 2005. This suggests that as more single mothers went to work during the late 1990s and early 2000s, more could qualify for unemployment benefits in the event of job loss. Also, many states have recently expanded eligibility for unemployment benefits.”

The other big, countercyclical response to the recession and sluggish job growth has come from the food stamp program (now called SNAP). Last month, the Urban Institute reported that nearly 45 million people receive help from SNAP, an increase of about 69 percent since the recession began in 2007. Many states have seen dramatic growth in their food assistance caseloads as well.

In other words, poor families increasingly rely on other social supports to tide them over hard times. Liberals have a point, however, in arguing against enforcing strict time limits on welfare benefits during a prolonged job drought. Although the Clinton reforms held up well during the 2000-2001 recession, this one is far worse. The “work-first” architecture isn’t perfect, and progressives should be open to sensible modifications based on new and unforeseen economic challenges.

Rather than resurrect the old dependency-fostering entitlement, however, progressives should try more creative approaches. We should be prepared to spend more money to help more families from sinking into poverty through no fault of their own. But, in keeping with the spirit of Clinton’s reforms, new funding should go to support work. This could take the form of a new public works initiative or—perhaps more likely, given GOP control of the House—direct subsidies to employers to hire low-income workers.

The states already have the ability to waive work requirements for a portion of their caseloads; Washington could broaden such authority temporarily, until job growth starts to pick up. Here again, the challenge will be getting GOP austerity freaks to get in touch with their inner “compassionate conservative.”

In any event, it’s hard to see how relitigating the 1996 reform will help the poor. The entitlement ethos isn’t exactly making a comeback in America. And there’s no evidence it would work any better now than before.

 

Should America Pork Out?

Tuesday, August 23rd, 2011
Chip Lebovitz



Charles Lebovitz is a research assistant for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Chip Lebovitz

On his show last week, Chris Matthews of MSNBC’s Hardball recommended that the president “pork out.” Remember those pet infrastructure projects Republicans sacrificed at the altar of declared fiscal discipline? Matthews wants the president to serve up a feast of pork as a temporary jobs plan.

The basic premise of the Matthews’ plan is that the president packages–in one bill–all of the pet projects that were requested over the past two years by Congress but failed to become law. Discarding the projects that are wasteful or don’t create jobs, the president sends the bill to Congress testing where the GOP’s allegiance lies: with the nation’s 25 million unemployed or the political gain of depressing the economy.

Can a serving of pork really pass Congress and create jobs?

Possibly. Much of the pork spending is basically targeted infrastructure spending. Bipartisan support for earmarks has been historically pervasive, and remains widespread today despite a House enforced moratorium. Senator Lindsay Graham (R-Tenn.) threatened to shutdown the Senate over $50,000 toward deepening the Charleston harbor, and presidential candidate Michele Bachmann (R-Minn.) sneaked a $700 million bridge overhaul past the earmark ban by not listing the actual cost of the bridge in the bill.

Quick calculations state that if every $1 billion of federal spending spent creates 11,000 job-years and the jobs are temporary, one year long, then allocating $10 billion would create roughly 110,000 gross jobs. Funds could be weighted to ensure the states with the highest unemployment rates receive the most money.

Furthermore the current state of the economy is a rare moment of slack in the inherent tension that exists between federal spending and private investment. Worries that earmark spending muscles out the private businesses are exemplified in a Harvard study that found earmarking by certain Congressman can lead to a 15 percent decrease in that districts’ private sector spending — a worrisome proposition. Except, right now corporations are not spending and instead are sitting on $2 trillion in cash. Federal spending repercussions are lessened because there is little private spending to crowd out.

To preempt deficit hawks, the plan should be part of a long-term deficit reduction package or paired with back-loaded spending cuts to be revenue neutral. An ideal deficit reduction plan would include a much-needed boost to the job market through targeted short-term infrastructure spending supported by former IMF chief economist Ken Rogoff while reducing the deficit over the long term. While a national infrastructure bank would be idyllic, political realities make pork a workable substitute for targeted infrastructure spending.

A good bully pulpit speech could help extinguish any other political opposition. The specificity and detailed local impact of the pork makes the plan a powerful political cudgel.

Envision the president trotting out to the Rose Garden bill in hand, declaring, “The economy is hurting, but I have a jobs plan right here that’ll create over 100,000 jobs right now at a time when 9.1 percent of Americans are out of work. It won’t add one dime to the deficit but it will pay for a wastewater treatment plant in Nevada where the state unemployment rate is 12.9 percent. Yet your representative, Dean Heller, won’t support it. It won’t add one dime to the deficit, but it will pay for a college in Florida where the state unemployment rate is 10. 7 percent. Yet your representative, John Mica, won’t support it.”

Rinse and repeat that speech for three days, and it’s hard not to expect a few Republican defections. Standing tall for spending cuts is fun and games until your district gets hurt. Even if for some reason the plan doesn’t pass, the tenor of Washington will finally be attuned to what the people want and need – jobs.

Photo Credit: Kejonbro

 

 

Policy Brief: Labor and the Producer Society

Wednesday, August 17th, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

Labor and the Producer Society by Will MarshallOur country is struggling to find a way out of overlapping economic crises. One is cyclical: an agonizingly slow, jobless recovery from a recession made worse by a financial crash. The other crisis is structural. Our economy suffers from a dearth of capital investment and innovation, mismatches between workers’ skills and available jobs, and unsustainable budget and trade deficits.

Even before the recession struck late in 2007, the Great American job machine was sputtering. According to a recent report by the McKinsey Global Institute, “Between 2000 and 2007, the United States posted a weaker record of job creation than during any decade since the Great Depression.” Not only are good jobs vanishing, wages have been falling for all but the top U.S. earners.

One explanation for America’s ebbing dynamism is a long pause in innovation. Since 2000, technological advances have stalled, outside of the dynamic communications industry. In particular, tighter regulation—for good or for bad—appears to be slowing innovation in the healthcare sector.

Research from the Kauffman Foundation also points to a loss of entrepreneurial verve. The number of business start ups, which Kauffman says generate most of U.S. net job growth, has plummeted by about a quarter since 2006.

If there’s a bright spot in the U.S. economy, it’s the recovery of corporate profits and stock prices since 2009. Yet these developments also highlight a stark inequity: Returns on capital are up, but returns on labor are down.

The U.S. economy seems to have arrived at an inflection point. As the Obama administration puzzles over how to rekindle growth, one thing should be clear: There can be no going back to the old economic model of debt-fueled consumption, where U.S. households borrowed to maintain their living standards, aided and abetted by government deficits.

Read the entire policy brief.

The Consumption Economy Is Dying—Let it Die

Tuesday, August 16th, 2011
Michael Mandel



Michael Mandel is the chief economic strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute and the founder of Visible Economy LLC, a New York-based news and education company.

by Michael Mandel

With the stock market plunging, we’ve heard plenty of warnings that a “pullback” in consumer spending could trigger another recession. Let me suggest an alternative. The last thing this economy needs is more debt-fueled consumer spending which mainly creates jobs overseas. Instead, we should be focused on boosting investment in physical, human, and knowledge capital.

Now, who am I to be dissing the American consumer? Don’t I know that consumer spending “accounts for 70% of economic activity,” as many economic reporters have written in recent weeks? (Indeed, if I have to read that number in another story, I might be forced to go all Office Space on a piece of expensive consumer electronics.)

It’s true that consumer spending creates economic activity. But it’s not true that all that economic activity is in the United States. Many of the consumer goods we buy are imported. If you buy a shirt or television, you are stimulating manufacturing jobs in China, or perhaps Mexico. You aren’t doing as much to stimulate jobs at home.

This is true across the economy, but a helpful example is the clothing, or apparel, industry. Since the fourth quarter of 2007, clothing purchases by consumers have increased by about 5% in real terms, according to the latest figures from the Bureau of Economic Analysis. Over roughly the same period, shipments from U.S. apparel factories fell by 31% in real terms, while apparel jobs fell by 26%. The winner: Factories in China and elsewhere making clothes for the U.S. market.

It’s not just clothes, of course. In many stores, it’s getting harder and harder to even find products that say “Made in the U.S.A.” That’s one reason why much of the economic stimulus escaped out the back door in the form of imports.

Now, this doesn’t mean imports are evil. When we buy goods from overseas, we generate some jobs in retail and wholesale. If you buy a shirt for cheaper than it would otherwise be if we made it here, you have more money left over to buy other things, like health care.

But the big problem with consumer spending is that if you buy a product made outside the U.S., it doesn’t encourage domestic investment. And that’s what we really need. In the past, a dollar spent on a shirt would start a virtuous circle, as the clothing factory expanded, adding more workers and buying new sewing machines. That investment in new machines, in turn, would create more business for the sewing machine company, who would then hire more workers who would need new shirts.

Today, the cycle is happening overseas. We have a genuine investment shortfall in the U.S., where both business and government are way below historical norms for spending on equipment, buildings, software, and infrastructure.

Consider this: Personal consumption in real terms is 11% below its long-term trend, based on the 1997-2007 period. That sounds bad enough. But nondefense government investment is 17% below its long term trend, as state and local governments cut back. And counting all private sector enterprises, nonnresidential investment is a stunning 25% below its long-term trend.

nonresidential investment.png

These figures are devastating for our economic future, both short and long-term. Low investment means fewer jobs and weaker productivity growth. The longer the investment shortfall lasts, the more damage it does. However, we’re not going to close the shortfall by encouraging debt-financed consumer spending. Instead, we need to redirect resources to productive investment.

Here’s a couple of examples of what we can do. First, I like to see the Obama administration publicly identify and applaud “investment heroes”: the top companies who are investing domestically in either physical capital or knowledge capital (R&D, design, and other forms of intellectual investment). The bully pulpit of the president can be a wonderful tool, if it directed toward the right cause, and this would send a signal of the importance of investment.

Second, Obama should come out in favor of countercyclical regulatory policy. We should accelerate the regulatory approval process during periods of economic weakness to boost corporate investment, just as countercyclical monetary and fiscal policy have been used to stimulate consumer spending. This is a message that has to be sent from the top to encourage regulators to consider the effects of their action on the economy.
The potential list of policies to boost investment goes on and on, including targeted infrastructure spending, as I described in my previous Atlantic piece, and perhaps a rationalization of the corporate tax code.

But what’s important is that none of these policies is about boosting consumer spending. If we want Americans to prosper, we need consumer spending to become less important to the economy, not more. In the end, we need a production economy, not a consumption economy.

The piece was originally written for the Atlantic.

Photo credit: Grace

Stimulus for Entrepreneurs

Thursday, July 28th, 2011
Chip Lebovitz



Charles Lebovitz is a research assistant for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Chip Lebovitz

The debt-ceiling stalemate is distracting policymakers’ attention from what should be their number one economic priority: putting Americans back to work. Big jolts of conventional stimulus, through public spending or tax cuts, are off the table for now, but Washington could try a different tack — stimulating entrepreneurship.

So says economist Robert Litan of the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, who unveiled last week a creative menu of proposals for rebooting America’s entrepreneurial spirit. These ideas have been incorporated into the Startup Act, a bipartisan proposal endorsed by an unlikely pair of political bedfellows, House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.) and Senator Jon Tester (D-Mont.)

Litan’s offering came on the heels of a new Kauffman study that shows why Congress should be thinking about ways to spur entrepreneurship. Startup job growth, which Kauffman says is the main engine behind net job growth in the United States, has been slowly declining. This drop began before the Great Recession. What’s more, the survival rate of new firms is declining, along with the number of jobs created on average by new startups.

No one seems to know why start-ups have been losing momentum. But Litan, also a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, argued that public policy can be a catalyst for new business creation, just as it can also put obstacles in the way of entrepreneurs. The Startup bill’s provisions fall in four main baskets: selective immigration reform, easier access to capitol, streamlining the commercialization of new ideas, and resetting the regulatory burden on businesses.

Immigration reform: The bill advocates green cards for any foreign student that completes a STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) degree at a U.S university and more easily available visas for non-American future entrepreneurs. Litan specifically suggested targeting talented individuals currently working in America on 6-year H-1 visas, a demographic that starts new firms at a higher rate than the rest of the workforce, as an easy starting point for reform.

Financing startups: At a time when credit is tight, the bill would generate capital to finance new startups from two sources: tax breaks and easier access to public markets. It proposes a capital gains exemption for long-term investments (those held over five years) in startups with a market value of less than $50 million. To give more startups a fighting chance to survive, the bill also would exempt them from the corporate income tax for the first five years. In addition, the act suggests would allow shareholders of startups under $1 billion in market value to decide whether or not to comply with the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, arguing that the cost of compliance for startups far outweighed any benefits compliance could provide.

Patent Reform: The bill also endorsed recent patent reform passed by both the House and Senate designed to make the process more efficient. Under this approach, smaller startups would be allowed to pay less for a priority patent review.

Regulatory Reset: Finally the plan calls for regulatory reform as well as data collection on individual states – ranking them on how well they create a favorable climate for startups. It would require a cost-benefit analysis for all proposed rules and subject them to automatic, 10-year sunset requirements. State rankings would provide states with the motivation to decrease their regulatory burden and attract more new business.

At a recent forum, Litan noted that the government seems to be out of fiscal policy bullets to jolt the economy back to life. By creating a climate more conducive to the birth and survival of new firms, however, the U.S. could spur job creation at a relatively modest cost that won’t break the bank.

Photo Credit: Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation

Misinterpreting Data: How the WSJ Got the Wireless Jobs Story Wrong

Monday, July 25th, 2011
Michael Mandel



Michael Mandel is the chief economic strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute and the founder of Visible Economy LLC, a New York-based news and education company.

by Michael Mandel

On July 17 the online edition of the WSJ published a widely-cited story entitled Wireless Jobs Evaporate Even As Industry Expands. The main point of the story  (my emphasis):

In May, on the heels of a record year for industry revenue, employment at U.S. wireless carriers hit a 12-year low of 166,600, according to U.S. Labor Department figures released earlier this month. That’s about 20,000 fewer jobs than when the recession ended in June 2009 and 2,000 fewer than a year ago. While the industry’s revenue has grown 28% since 2006, when wireless employment peaked at 207,000 workers, its mostly nonunion work force has shrunk about 20%.”

In addition, the Journal digs further into the official data and claims that:

The number of customer-service workers at wireless carriers dropped to 33,580 last year from 55,930 in 2007, according to the Labor Department

Seems like a pretty straightforward story, doesn’t it?  The Journal is quoting directly from authoritative BLS data to demonstrate that the  wireless industry has been losing jobs, despite the mobile boom. The big picture message: Innovation does not equal job growth.

Unfortunately, the reporters and editors at the WSJ fell into the same trap that has ensnared many other journalists, policymakers, and even economists. They looked at the label on a piece of official economic data, and assumed that they understood it.  But as we saw during the financial crisis and subsequently,  government economic data can all too easily be misinterpreted.

In this case,  the article was based on the Journal’s analysis of jobs in the “wireless telecommunications carrier industry,”  as defined by the BLS. However,  despite the name of the data series, it turns out that:

  • The BLS definition of the “wireless” industry does not include company-owned  retail stores or stand-alone company-owned call-centers.
  • The customer service numbers cited do not include company-owned retail stores or stand-alone company-owned call centers.
  • The 2007 occupational data in telecom cited in the story cannot be compared with later years, because the telecom industry classifications in the occupational data were substantially redone in 2008.

As a result:

  • The data cited in the WSJ article completely misses the growth of jobs at company-owned retail stores (see Metro PCS chart below)
  • The data cited in the WSJ article potentially misses call center job growth such as the expansion of Verizon’s Nashville call center (see example below)
  • The phrase “employment at U.S. wireless carriers hit a 12-year low”  simply cannot be supported by the available data.  Data from the industry trade association (CTIA), which shows wireless employment up 36% since 2000, is much more plausible (see chart below).
In my view,  the WSJ article is a classic case of misinterpreting official statistics.

Before getting into the details, why am I taking the time and trouble to disassemble this particular article? Historically innovation and job creation have been closely linked, as I have argued in multiple papers and articles. With Washington now fighting tooth and nail over the budget, it’s very important for policymakers to understand that successful innovation creates jobs, not the opposite.

Second,   journalists, policymakers, and economists need to understand how easily government statistics can be misinterpreted.  For example, the statisticians at the BLS have reported huge U.S. productivity gains over the past decade, including the years following the financial crisis–a fact that has been duly repeated by journalists and applauded by economists.  However, in a recent paper, Sue Houseman of the Upjohn Institute and I argued that these reported U.S. productivity gains could be interpreted, in part,  as  an increase in the efficiency of global supply chains.  It matters enormously for jobs and wages whether productivity increases are coming from more efficient domestic operations, or more efficient offshoring.

Or consider  consumer spending. Journalists regularly report that  ”consumer spending accounts for 70 percent of economic activity.”  (see, for example, this recent Associated Press story that ran on the New York Times website). However this number,  calculated by dividing consumer spending into GDP, is pernicious nonsense. Nonsense,  because consumer spending includes a big chunk of  imports, which does not correspond to economic activity in the U.S.  Pernicious,  because it perpetuates the fallacy that the U.S. cannot recover without gains in consumer spending (see my blog post on the subject here).

Details

Now let me turn to the details of the WSJ’s mistake, or if you’d like, misintepretation.  The WSJ analyzed BLS jobs data for the “wireless telecommunications carrier industry”, (with the NAICS  ID 5172). That data looks pretty bleak (if you want to download the data for yourself, instructions are at the end of this post).

However, the WSJ apparentlydid not realize  that the BLS collects industry employment by establishment, not by company. The BLS defines an establishment in this wa:y

An establishment is an economic unit, such as a farm, mine, factory, or store, that produces goods or provides services. It is typically at a single physical location and engaged in one, or predominantly one, type of economic activity for which a single industrial classification may be applied.

Whenever possible,  the BLS assigns each establishment to an industry, and counts all the employment at that establishment at part of that industry.

Viewed from this perspective, a single wireless carrier, such as Verizon Wireless or Metro PCS,  will typically include several different types of establishments, each of which will be assigned to a different industry.

  • Wireless operations are in NAICS 5172 (“Wireless telecommunications carriers”)
  • Company-owned call centers are in NAICS 56142 (“telephone call centers”)
  • Company-owned retail stores are in retail trade, probably NAICS 443112 (“Radio, TV and electronics stores”)
  • Mobile tower and base construction could be in NAICS 23713 (“Power and Communication Line and Related Structures Construction”)
There might even be more different types of establishments in the wireless industry…it’s hard to tell.

This has several implications. First, retail expansion by wireless providers is counted in the retail trade industry, not  the BLS “Wireless Industry” numbers that the WSJ used.  This is true even if the store is carrier-operated.

For example, the tremendous expansions of retail stores by Metro PCS  in recent years, with added jobs,  did not show up in the WSJ data (for a related example,  employees at Apple stores are counted in the retail industry, not the computer industry).

Second, to the degree that wireless carriers are expanding stand-alone call centers, those additional jobs are not being picked up by the WSJ data.  We don’t know exactly how many there are, but we do know that overall national employment at telephone call centers have been rising, surprisingly enough.  It’s likely that the expansion of the wireless industry is a factor in that rise in call center employment.

We also know that at least some wireless telecom companies have been hiring at their call centers. For example, it took the work of five minutes to find this example of Verizon hiring workers for a call center outside of Nashville. Here’s an excerpt from the July 1, 2011 story in the Nashville Post:

Verizon Wireless has announced via Facebook and Twitter that it will expand its Sanctuary Park Center of Excellence Loyalty Retention Center by opening an office in Franklin. The company plans to add some 300 jobs in the Franklin area over the next 18 months.

“We’re excited about this expansion for several reasons. It allows us to continue to provide customers with the high quality of service they expect from Verizon Wireless,” said James Nelson, associate director of customer service. “It’s also great to be a source for new job opportunities – especially in this economy.”

Further, the company said, “Many of the thousands of calls handled by LRC representatives each month are from customers requesting to discontinue service. It is their responsibility to convert as many of those disconnect requests into satisfied customers.”

The company ran its first training sessions in May and plans to begin taking calls at the center starting July 5.

I didn’t research this example any further. But it looks like these new call center jobs are not counted in the BLS data that the WSJ was using.

Finally, those customer service figures that the Journal made such a big deal about. Let me repeat the quote from the Journal story.

The number of customer-service workers at wireless carriers dropped to 33,580 last year from 55,930 in 2007, according to the Labor Department

Actually, that sentence is not correct as it stands.  The WSJ is citing occupational data pertaining to the “wireless” industry as defined by the BLS (NAICS 5172). By definition, the WSJ’s figure for customer-service workers excludes company-owned stand-alone call centers (like the previous example for Verizon Wireless). As a result, the figures cited by the Journal are absolutely useless for determining whether  wireless carriers are hiring or firing customer-service workers.

Just to add insult to injury, there’s a subtle twist that no reporter could be expected to know. Buried deep in the documentation, the BLS explains that:

In 2008, the OES survey switched to the 2007 NAICS classification system from the 2002 NAICS. The most significant revisions were in the Information Sector, particularly within the Telecommunications area.

The implication is that telecom occupational data from 2007 simply cannot be compared to later years (I believe that the BLS would agree with that, if asked).

What’s the bottom line here? Let me show you again the chart of the jobs in the  BLS “wireless industry” (the data the WSJ used), and compare it to the survey of wireless industry employment done by CTIA, the wireless industry association.

The industry association figures-rose by 46% from 2000 until 2008, before dipping by 7% from 2008 to 2010.  By contrast, the BLS “wireless” data, which does not include call centers, retail stores, and tower construction, rose by only 8% from 2000 to 2008. Now, honestly, in the middle of a wireless boom of historic proportions, which figure do you think is more likely to reflect “employment at wireless carriers”, the phrase used in the WSJ story?

Now, that brings me to my final ethical question: Does the Journal have an obligation to run a retraction or a corrective story?  The article did not slander or libel anyone, and the reporter used the government statistics in good faith.  However, because the statistics did not mean what the Journal thought they meant, the story is filled with statements which leave readers with the wrong impression.  The typical reader  would read the story and naturally conclude that the phrase “ employment at U.S. wireless carriers hit a 12-year low” referred to the number of workers who receive paychecks from Verizon Wireless, Metro PCS, the wireless part of AT&T, and the like.  But as we have seen, that phrase is based on government figures that only reflect a portion of wireless carrier employment.

More importantly, the story’s big picture conclusion–that innovation does not equal job growth–is not supported by the statistics. In this era of distrust of the press, should publications make an effort to clarify the record if their original story is faulty?

 

 

Coda: How to Get the Government Data that the WSJ used

 

Go to  http://www.bls.gov/data/#employment

Click on “Employment, Hours, and Earnings – National, Multiscreen data search”

Check ‘Not seasonally adjusted’, and click on ‘next form’

Scroll to ‘information’, and  click on ‘next form’

Click on ‘all employees, and  click on ‘next form’

Scroll to “wireless telecommunications carriers (except satellite)”, and  click on ‘next form’

Click on ‘retrieve data’

The data for customer service representatives in the wireless industry in 2007 can be found at

http://www.bls.gov/oes/2007/may/naics4_517200.htm#b41-0000

 

This piece is cross-posted from Michael Mandel’s blog “Mandel on Innovation and Growth“.

Balanced Budget Amendment: A Gimmicky Disaster-in-Waiting.

Tuesday, July 19th, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

By refusing to budge on tax revenues, House Republicans have blown a rare chance to get Democrats to swallow trillions of dollars in federal budget cuts. As New York Times columnist David Brooks notes in a shrewd piece today, cuts of such magnitude would have provoked a rancorous split between President Obama and liberals.

Instead, Republicans have opted for ideological purity, including today’s purely symbolic vote on a balanced budget amendment that isn’t going anywhere.

The Balanced Budget Amendment (BBA) is an almost perfect embodiment of the contemporary GOP’s gimmicky approach to governing. It’s an uncomplicated way to convey toughness, and it allows conservatives to drape themselves in the mantle of fiscal responsibility without taking the heat for cutting specific programs. And like many of the faux solutions to which Republicans seem fatally attracted, it would damage our economy.

A balanced budget amendment would handcuff the federal government in times of emergency. Backers say the rule could be waived during recessions, but it’s never clear until after when recessions begin and end. Since most of the states have balanced budget mandates, only Washington can spend at the right time and on a scale sufficient to exert counter-cyclical pressure during downturns. The federal government’s superior resources and borrowing capacity make it in effect the nation’s fiscal reserve.

Republicans almost rammed through a BBA in 1997. In the years that followed, the Clinton administration produced balanced budgets the old-fashioned way, by cutting actual programs and making trade-offs among competing public priorities.

Nonetheless, House Republicans once again claim that only a Constitutional amendment can force Congress to do its fiscal duty. Their “Cut, Cap and Balance” plan not only would bar budget deficits, but would also limit federal spending to 18% of economic output, two points below the average of the past several decades.

In other words, it would force massively disruptive cuts in all federal spending, from Medicare and Social Security to the Pentagon and domestic programs. Not even Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan, the GOP’s uber fiscal hawk, goes this far.

At the same time, the proposed amendment would make it well-nigh impossible to raise taxes, which would require a two-thirds vote in the House and the Senate. It’s a formula for rigidity at best and fiscal paralysis at worst. It would invite judicial interference in a power the Constitution unambiguously delegates to Congress – the power of the purse – and narrow the scope of democratic decision-making.

So why are House Republicans pushing it now? Because they know that, in the end, at least some House Republicans will have to vote to raise the debt limit to avert an economic calamity. They want the political cover of having voted for a “permanent” solution to the debt crisis – the BBA – to shield them from the Tea Party’s wrath.

Senate Democrats of course aren’t about to let Republicans write their economic ideology into the nation’s fundamental law, and President Obama has threatened a veto. Still, it’d be a relief if Republicans could find ways to score political points with their base that don’t injure our economy — either by plunging the nation into default, or enshrining archaic notions of a feeble national government in the U.S. Constitution.

Photo Credit: Common Pixels

Policy Brief: The Risks of Over-Regulating End-User Derivatives

Thursday, July 7th, 2011
Jason Gold



Jason Gold is the director of the Progressive Policy Institute’s “Rethinking U.S. Housing Policy Project” and senior fellow for financial services policy.

Anne Kim



Anne Kim is the managing director for policy and strategy at the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Jason Gold and Anne Kim

The passage of the Dodd-Frank Act was an historic effort in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis to modernize and tighten federal oversight of the nation’s financial services sector.

Among these reforms were a variety of much-needed new rules to bring more transparency and accountability to the derivatives industry. The new law, for example, provides regulators with more power to regulate the over-the-counter (“OTC”) derivatives market, requires more derivatives to be traded on exchanges rather than in private transactions, and requires data collection to improve market transparency.

As sweeping as it is, this new regulatory framework for the derivatives industry is more a framework than a detailed set of rules, and there are many blanks for regulators to fill. As a consequence, policymakers must still be wary of unintended consequences as they implement the law.

A particular example deserving of this special attention is the pending regulations of so-called “end users” in the OTC derivatives market. No one doubts that the abuse of some forms of exotic derivatives contributed to the systemic risk that led to the 2008 crisis. But derivatives are an important tool used by major American manufacturing and service companies (“end users”) to manage and protect against risks—not create them. These derivatives contribute little—if anything—to systemic risk.

Read the entire policy brief.

PPI Policy Brief: Is the FDA Strangling Innovation?

Thursday, June 23rd, 2011
Michael Mandel



Michael Mandel is the chief economic strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute and the founder of Visible Economy LLC, a New York-based news and education company.

by Michael Mandel

As the key gatekeeper for pharmaceutical and device innovation, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has a tough job. If it is too lenient, it will allow the sale of drugs and medical technology that could harm vulnerable Americans. Too tight, and the U.S. is being deprived of key innovations that could cut costs, increase health, and create jobs.

With this in mind, this paper addresses the question: Is the FDA unintentionally choking off cost-saving medical innovation? First, I discuss the difficulty of assessing whether the FDA is under-regulating or overregulating new drugs and devices, given the desire for safety. I then show how the FDA is clearly applying “too-high” standards in the case of one noninvasive device currently under consideration—MelaFind, a handheld computer vision system intended to help dermatologists decide which suspicious skin lesions should be biopsied for potential melanoma, a lifethreatening skin cancer. I then draw analogies to development of the early cell phones and personal computers.

Read the entire policy brief.

The Lost Decade

Tuesday, June 7th, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

U.S. Job MarketWhether U.S. Presidents succeed or fail often depends on a big factor beyond their control: the timing of the business cycle. Lucky Presidents – Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush – experienced downturns early in their first term, leaving plenty of time for an economic rebound to lift them to reelection.

Barack Obama, who took office months after the Great Recession started, must be cursing his luck. Just at the point when investment and jobs normally would be coming back, the U.S. economy has taken a sickening swoon.

Last month’s feeble job numbers – just 54,000 jobs created, far short of the 300,000 or more needed each month to return unemployment to pre-crisis levels – reinforced the public’s growing economic gloom. They also suggested that the administration has erred in viewing the economy’s problems as cyclical.

If that were true, the White House strategy of waiting for the economy to heal itself might make sense. But if America faces structural impediments to growth, we can’t just wait for the economy to revert to normal.

Since the Great Recession officially ended in the fall of 2009, the economy has grown just 2.8 percent per year, well below the average 4.6 percent growth that follows typical recessions, economist Lawrence Lindsey said. And instead of declining steadily, unemployment is rising again.

From GOP presidential aspirant Jon Huntsman to liberal columnist Paul Krugman, commentators across the spectrum are rightly talking about a “lost decade” of economic growth. According to the Wall Street Journal’s Gerald Seib, America has endured 11 straight years of lackluster growth since 2000, the last year in which economic growth exceeded four percent.

The job picture is even worse. As this useful chart shows, the U.S. economy created 23 million jobs on Clinton’s watch and 16 million on Reagan’s. Bush’s job-creation record is a paltry 3 million. And we can’t just blame the Great Recession. Even before it hit in December 2007, the rate of job growth lagged well behind the record of the previous decades.

No doubt about it: the aughts under Bush were a lost economic decade. While no president can be blamed for cyclical downturns, it is fair to say that Bush’s economic policies did little to address the structural roots of slower economic and job growth. On the contrary, his purblind economic policy mix – coupling a spending binge with deep tax cuts – helped dig America into a deep fiscal hole.

Nonetheless, the lingering economic malaise has cast a shadow over Obama’s reelection prospects and boosted Mitt Romney’s political stock – the two are now running neck-in-neck in the polls. The 2012 election will largely be a contest over which party has the most credible plan for reviving U.S. economic dynamism.

The Republicans have a simple fiscal theory that leads to an equally simple solution. They see the size and cost of government as the chief obstacle to growth. Cut public spending, and the economy will sit up on its haunches again and roar.

Many liberals, including Krugman, seem stuck in the Keynesian paradigm, arguing that the problem is inadequate demand, which means government needs to spend more until the economy recovers its “animal spirits.”

Obama is smart enough to reject a witless choice between less or more government. He has, however, yet to develop a plausible plan for restructuring the U.S. economy to unleash economic innovation, capture its benefits in good jobs that stay in America, and boost our ability to win in world markets.

Above all, Obama needs to spell out big, concrete initiatives that can inspire public confidence that his administration has properly diagnosed the economy’s structural ills and prescribed realistic remedies.

PPI has developed bold proposals that meet this standard: An independent National Infrastructure Bank, to unlock hundreds of billions of private investment in state-of-the-art transport, energy and water systems; pro-growth tax reform that closes inefficient tax expenditures and reduces the corporate tax rate; and a base-closing style commission charged with periodically pruning regulations that impede economic innovation and business start-ups, the engine of most new American job creation.

America can’t afford another lost economic decade – and neither can progressives. This is an FDR moment for Obama – a time for “bold, persistent experimentation” to get America’s economy moving again.

Photo credit: S. Hernandez