Archive for the ‘ Policy Memo ’ Category

Why Progressives Should Cool to “Global Warming” Lawsuits

Friday, November 19th, 2010
Phil Goldberg



Phil Goldberg is an attorney at Shook Hardy & Bacon LLP in the firm’s Washington, D.C.-based Public Policy Group. From 1993 through 2000, he was a staff member to three Democratic Members of Congress, including Rep. Steve Rothman (NJ), when Mr. Rothman served on the House Judiciary Committee.

by Phil Goldberg

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Environmental progressives have been urging the federal government to address climate change for more than 30 years. Many of these efforts have focused on setting limits on the emissions of carbon dioxide, methane, and other gases collectively referred to as “greenhouse gases” or GHGs. Presidents George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama all negotiated international treaties on global emissions, and Congress has considered numerous climate-related bills. None of these efforts, however, has resulted in binding emission caps for U.S. operations, and Senate efforts to pass a “cap and trade” bill have been dropped. As a result, some progressives advocate a new arena for this battle: the courts, with lawsuits against a group of companies to directly force them to reduce emissions.

There are four lawsuits based on the premise that a handful of American companies, all associated with energy use and production, can be held legally responsible for “global warming.” The suits claim that the companies engaged in operations or made products that contributed to the buildup of GHGs in the atmosphere, causing the earth to warm. The cases seek either reductions in emissions or payment for injuries caused by specific weather events, such as hurricanes and flooding, allegedly caused or made worse by climate change. The liability threat for these defendants is massive: billions of dollars in the current suits, injunctions against their operations, and new filings for future weather-related injuries.

For environmental progressives, the real purpose of this litigation is to use the threat of massive liability to force the companies to accept concessions on climate change policy. These lawsuits, first filed in 2004, were born of frustration with the political process, particularly under President Bush, for failing to take steps to combat climate change. Given the seeming demise of climate change legislation in the current Congress, many progressives have found achieving the same – or perhaps more stringent – policies in the courts an increasingly appealing option.

Read the entire memo

Reviving Jobs and Innovation: The Role of Countercyclical Regulatory Policy – Part I

Tuesday, November 16th, 2010
Michael Mandel



Michael Mandel is the chief economic strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute and the founder of Visible Economy LLC, a New York-based news and education company.

by Michael Mandel

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Since the Great Depression, the tools of choice for fighting economic downturns have been countercyclical monetary policy and countercyclical fiscal policy. That is, when the economy slowed, economists would recommend cutting interest rates, reducing taxes, and boosting government spending to pump up demand. And for 75 years, those policy measures were enough.

But in the aftermath of the financial crisis, we seem to have almost exhausted the limits of monetary and fiscal policy to create jobs. The Federal Reserve has pushed interest rates down to near zero, although it appears ready to try another round of quantitative easing.

Meanwhile, the federal budget deficit hit $1.3 trillion in fiscal year 2010. In the aftermath of the midterm election victories of candidates who ran against federal spending, it seems politically unlikely that there will be another round of  fiscal stimulus.

Under the circumstances, it may be time to try something new: Countercyclical regulatory policy. That means following a very simple rule: Don’t add new regulations on innovative and growing sectors during economic downturns.

The goal: To encourage innovation and job creation by temporarily abstaining from additional regulation on innovative sectors, and perhaps even temporarily abating some existing regulations on innovative sectors (what I call innovation ecosystems).

The key word here, of course, is ‘temporarily.’ Like countercyclical monetary and fiscal policy, countercyclical regulatory policy is designed to provide a short-run stimulus to the economy by making decisions that can be reversed when the economy improves—the equivalent of a temporary investment tax credit. In other words, countercyclical regulatory policy is not the same as deregulation. It presupposes that regulators stay alert and take care of abuses.

Read the entire memo

Gainful Employment: The Real Issue

Monday, October 25th, 2010
Michael Mandel



Michael Mandel is the chief economic strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute and the founder of Visible Economy LLC, a New York-based news and education company.

by Michael Mandel

Download the entire memo here

Sometimes a proposed piece of legislation or new rule can catalyze debate about a key issue. That seems to be the case for the ‘gainful employment’ rule currently being proposed by the Department of Education (DOE). The rule addresses a very real problem: The large amounts of debt being taken on by some students, mainly those attending for-profit colleges. However, if enacted in its current form, the new rule would require many institutions—for-profit, non-profit, and public alike—to follow complicated new procedures that could greatly limit their flexibility in offering new programs and potentially reduce the educational options open to students.

Are the benefits of the gainful employment rule worth the costs? DOE’s narrow cost-benefit analysis says they are, but its analysis fails to address a broader issue: How should higher education institutions be expected to deal with an uncertain and rapidly changing economic environment? In a world where tomorrow’s labor market may be very different than today’s, should colleges be encouraged to anticipate the changes, or should they stick to the steady teaching of accumulated knowledge and skills for existing jobs?

This policy brief will make one observation about today’s economy, and then draw three implications for policy. The observation is simple: Young educated workers face vastly more uncertainty in the labor market than recent generations of graduates. Young workers with a bachelor’s, associate degree, or other postsecondary education must deal with much higher unemployment rates, falling real wages, and a job landscape that keeps shifting.

The first implication: The increased uncertainty means that colleges have to take more responsibility for informing students about what their education dollar is buying them. In particular, the for-profit sector needs major reforms to deal with what a recent GAO report called “deceptive and questionable marketing practices.” With students facing a tougher time in the job market, for-profit institutions must move away from high-pressure sales tactics, increase transparency about potential outcomes, pay more attention to debt levels, and raise admissions standards. Non-profits and public institutions must bite the bullet as well by offering more information about estimated payback periods and making sure that their students don’t graduate with excess debt.

Download the entire memo here

Not in Our Backyard: China’s Emerging Anti-Access Strategy

Thursday, October 7th, 2010
Michael Chase



Michael S. Chase is an associate professor in the Strategy and Policy Department at the U.S. Naval War College and a fellow with the Truman National Security Project. The views expressed here are his own.

by Michael Chase

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Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has enjoyed an unparalleled ability to project military power around the globe, as the world’s leading superpower.

But in recent years, potential U.S. rivals have invested in weapons systems and strategies that challenge America’s ability to project such global power. It is part of an “anti-access and area denial” (AA/AD) approach based on operational concepts and military capabilities that deter, delay, or disrupt U.S. military power projection. An AA/AD strategy works not by threatening to best America in a direct contest, but by preventing U.S. military engagement in the first place.

China’s strategists may not use the same terminology as their American counterparts, but there is ample evidence to suggest that Beijing is becoming AA/AD’s leading proponent. Beijing now has capabilities that could dramatically raise the costs of U.S. military intervention in areas vital to national interests, especially Taiwan and the South China Sea. As strategic analyst Andrew Krepinevich observes, “Since the Taiwan Strait crisis of 1996…China has moved to shift the military balance in the Western Pacific in its favor by fielding systems capable of driving up the cost of U.S. military access to the region to prohibitive levels.”

While China might not have the capability to sink an American aircraft carrier (or want to because of the risk of escalation), it might cause enough damage to achieve a “mission kill,” preventing air sorties from the ship and forcing it out of the conflict zone. In theory, the threat of this kind of attack would cordon U.S. aircraft carriers so far away from a Chinese theater that their operational and strategic effectiveness would be greatly diminished.

The growing threat to U.S. aircraft carriers—perhaps the greatest symbol of America’s power projection capability—is but one example of China’s military modernization and strategic pivot since the mid-1990s. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is increasingly capable of posing a credible threat to Taiwan and raising the potential costs of U.S. military intervention in a regional conflict.

How and why did China’s approach shift in this new direction? What are the most potent anti-access and area denial capabilities in Beijing’s arsenal? And what are the implications for U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific region?

Download the entire memo.

A National Infrastructure Bank: A Road Guide to the Destination

Thursday, September 30th, 2010
Everett Ehrlich



Everett Ehrlich is the president of ESC Company, a Washington, DC based economics consulting firm.

by Everett Ehrlich

Download the entire memo.

President Obama has proposed a National Infrastructure Bank, a simple declarative sentence that left most listeners wondering what he meant. The confusion arises partly because the administration did not follow up the president’s remarks with a specific proposal, but also because the operations of such a bank have never been fully fleshed out. Felix Rohatyn and I have elsewhere laid out the broad outline of how such a bank would function,1 and that description serves as a good starting point for our expectations regarding the president’s proposal and what Bank-type proposals generally ought to do.

As many writers have noted, American infrastructure is depreciating rapidly – we are likely well below the replacement rate of investment in roads, mass transit, airports, ports, rail, and water assets. The logical implication is that we need to invest more. But more investment in and of itself will not move us towards having the right mix of infrastructure assets in place.

The current mix results from one of two selection processes. The first is devolution to the states (for example the cost-sharing grants delivered by the Highway Trust Fund), and the second is selection by Federal agencies (e.g., the Corps of Engineers). At worst, these processes lead to politically motivated outcomes, either because state governments favor some projects for wholly non-economic reasons, or because the Congress can muscle the selection process from the federal agencies. The most recent transportation authorization bill, passed in 2005, made the word “earmark” famous by incorporating a stunning $24 billion of them – the price of having a law passed. Insofar as we have given the task of project selection to the political process, it would be surprising if this kind of event didn’t happen, not that it sometimes does.

Politicized project selection is one of several problems associated with the current process. But it is one of the reasons why a National Infrastructure Bank is so important and so urgently needed: not just because a bank might be able to lever federal dollars, but because it can use the existing dollars more wisely and obtain a higher public return.

What follows, then, is a description of the role a National Infrastructure Bank could play, taken from the perspective of the specific problems in the current process it might solve. This perspective also allows us to evaluate the administration’s proposal.

In a nutshell, Rohatyn and I propose that we collapse all of the federal “modal” transportation programs into the Bank. Any entity – whether state, local, or federal – would have standing to come to the Bank with a proposal requiring federal assistance. The Bank would be able to negotiate the level and form of such assistance based on the particulars of each project proposal. It could offer cash participation or loan guarantees, underwriting or credit subsidies, or financing for a subordinated fund to assure creditors. Any project requiring federal resources above some dollar threshold (on a credit scoring basis) would have to be approved by the Bank. Additionally, we imagine that some part of the funding for existing modal programs would be converted into block grants sent directly to the states and large cities to be spent on projects too small for the Bank’s oversight. Such grants could also be used for those programs desired by the states that do not pass muster on terms proposed by the Bank.

This is more a vision of infrastructure policy than a blueprint for the immediate future. Admittedly, it will take years and a meticulous reorganization to produce this configuration. But the best way to measure our progress in infrastructure policy (and the merits of the administration’s proposal) is not to see how quickly we adopt the Bank’s specific features, but to see how the Bank addresses the underlying infrastructure policy flaws it is designed to fix.

Download the entire memo.

A Smart Way to Finance High-Speed Rail: Restructuring the Highway Trust Fund into a results-driven transportation fund

Tuesday, September 28th, 2010
Mark Reutter



PPI Fellow Mark Reutter is the former editor of Railroad History and author of Making Steel: Sparrows Point and the Rise and Ruin of American Industrial Might (2005, rev. ed.).

by Mark Reutter

Download the entire memo.

Since announcing an $8 billion “down payment” for high-speed rail development, the Obama administration has been silent about how to pay for a program as ambitious as the Interstate Highway System.

The interstates cost more than $250 billion in current dollars to build. A fast train network, based on systems being developed worldwide, most noticeably in China, could be equally expensive.

So far, Congress has come up with $2.5 billion in general fund appropriations for high-speed rail (HSR) in 2010, and the administration has asked for $1 billion a year for the 2011-14 budgets. Such allocations are hardly enough to begin detailed engineering for California’s HSR proposal between Los Angeles and San Francisco, let alone the nine other intercity corridors that the White House has envisioned.

On Labor Day, President Obama proposed a $50billion transportation infrastructure program that would include 4,000 miles of rehabbed and new railway track. The proposal calls for integrating HSR projects into the next surface transportation bill, a promising step that would ensure some level of federal commitment to the program over the five- or six-year life of the bill. But again, the president did not specify how he would finance HSR or the larger infrastructure program other than to say that his administration “is committed to working with Congress to fully pay for the plan.”

The president’s reticence raises a legitimate question: Can the nation afford HSR in a time of looming federal deficits?

The answer is yes – financing HSR is entirely feasible, but will only happen if the administration and its congressional allies take bold steps to rebalance our transportation priorities. Fortunately, there is both a funding source and a road map for moving from today’s scattershot federal transportation spending to a results-driven enterprise.

The funding source is the Highway Trust Fund, with approximate funds of $52 billion a year. Allocating a portion of highway funds for rail construction is an equitable way to wean drivers away from auto travel by providing them with a faster, safer, and more environmentally sound alternative.
Congress could easily allot $5 billion a year for HSR construction – without an increase in the gas tax – by cutting out earmarks and formula-based grants that now soak up billions of dollars, according to the General Accountability Office (GAO). Such fund reallocations could not only jumpstart HSR projects but serve as seed money for public-private partnerships to get the work done.

Already, international rail operators have expressed interest in competing for high-speed train contracts in the U.S. But these groups are waiting for the Obama administration to lay out a comprehensive financing plan before structuring bids. The use of a well-established and reliable source of transportation financing could make these deals happen.

Download the entire memo.

The Coming Communications Boom? Jobs, Innovation and Countercyclical Regulatory Policy

Tuesday, July 20th, 2010
Michael Mandel



Michael Mandel is the chief economic strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute and the founder of Visible Economy LLC, a New York-based news and education company.

by Michael Mandel

Download the entire memo.

This policy memo brings together three important strands of current policy debate: jobs, innovation, and regulatory policy. Everyone these days is concerned about the slow pace of job creation coming out of the Great Meltdown. Over the past six months, the economy has generated less than 600,000 net new private sector jobs—hardly enough to make a dent in the 14.6 million unemployed.

A bigger issue, though, is that the job drought actually started well before the meltdown. In the last business cycle—running from 2000 to 2007—the private sector created 4.4 million net new jobs. But out of those, fully 74 percent were in the health/education sector. That is, most of the private-sector jobs were being created in places like hospitals, nursing homes, and universities that are heavily government-funded. In effect, the public sector has been keeping the job market afloat since the beginning of the decade.

Most distressingly, America’s great strength—its innovative sector—actually lost jobs during the 2000-2007 business cycle. This sector includes everything from aerospace to pharmaceuticals to telecommunications to software (see Table 1). Some individual industries added employees, but collectively the innovative sector lost almost
700,000 jobs from 2000 to 2007, before the bust hit.

That performance was far worse than anyone expected: In 2001, the Bureau of Labor Statistics published projections implying that the innovative sector would create 1.7 million net new jobs by 2007. In other words, the innovative sector had a shortfall of 2.4 million jobs relative to expectations, even before the bust.

There are promising signs, however, of a rebound in one part of the innovation sector: communications. Internet companies, along with firms engaged in wireless telecom and computer systems design, seem to be emerging as “job leaders” in the next economic expansion. Unfortunately, these companies are also embroiled in struggles with federal agencies – and among themselves – over whether more regulation is required to police competition in communications.

Download the entire memo.

Partnering with the Private Sector to Fill the Infrastructure Gap

Wednesday, May 19th, 2010
Michael Conneran



Michael N. Conneran is a partner is the San Francisco law firm Hanson Bridgett LLP. He specializes in the representation of public agencies in a variety of matters involving real estate, transportation, and environmental law.

by Michael Conneran

The 2007 collapse of bridges in Minneapolis and Oakland, which resulted in significant injuries and massive traffic disruptions, vividly demonstrated the decline of our nation’s infrastructure. Decades of neglect are beginning to have very real consequences in the lives of citizens. Left unaddressed, the infrastructure gap will soon begin to have severe repercussions for our nation’s economic capacity.

These issues arise at a time when traditional methods for financing public projects — using general fund revenues, proceeds from the sale of bonds, grant monies from outside agencies to fund the improvements — are proving insufficient. Whether due to economic factors (public entities reaching the limits of their ability to float bonds) or political obstacles (the difficulty of raising taxes), governments are in need of additional ways to finance necessary public improvements.

Attesting to the dire situation was a recent report by a blue ribbon panel examining the inability of the national highway trust fund — a fund financed by the gasoline tax — to keep up with the nation’s highway needs. The current system has failed to keep up with inflation and, ironically, has been undermined by increased fuel economy, as lower tax revenue is brought in for the same number of vehicle miles traveled.

Although the bipartisan commission agreed that substantial additional investment in transportation infrastructure was needed over the next 50 years to support economic growth, it was unable to agree upon a method of financing. While a majority supported an increased fuel tax indexed to inflation, a minority called for using a variety of market-based approaches, including congestion pricing. Unfortunately, while it has authorized interim funding to keep the trust fund solvent, Congress has been unable to summon the political will to comprehensively address this problem.

But a proven financing alternative exists for our public infrastructure needs: the public-private partnership (PPP). PPP approaches have been used successfully in Europe, Canada and other countries. In the U.S., they have been used more sparingly, with a limited number of projects in Texas, Florida and Virginia, among other states. As PPPs have become better understood, more states have adopted laws to facilitate their use. This policy memo provides a brief description of how PPPs work, weighs their risks and benefits, and seeks to emphasize their growing utility in a period of retrenchment for public funding of infrastructure.

What Exactly Are PPPs?

The Federal Highway Administration defines public-private partnerships as “contractual arrangements between public and private sector entities pursuant to which the private sector is involved in multiple elements of public infrastructure projects.” There are many different PPP structures, under which the private role can involve various aspects of the design, construction and operation of a public facility. However, project finance is really the point of PPPs. Under many PPP arrangements, private investors supply the capital to get infrastructure projects built. In exchange for providing funding, those private partners obtain a stream of income from the completed public project to recoup their investment and make a profit.

One of the most attractive features of PPPs is the flexibility they allow in arranging financing. Some PPP projects begin with a valuable asset, like a bridge or toll road, that can be transferred to a private partner in order to raise the cash that is needed to undertake other projects. Some PPP projects allow private partners to take advantage of innovative financing vehicles, such as government credit programs or private activity bonds, which provide tax benefits to firms taking on public infrastructure projects.

Yet another type of PPP transaction involves shifting financial risk to the private entity and the payment obligation to the public users (again, as with toll roads). This approach can prove controversial, however, as the public may object to making payments to a private party for facilities that were previously operated by their government or to rates that are subject to the control of a private company. On the other hand, if the public holds rate-setting power, the private partner will want some assurance that there will be sufficient funds to enable it to meet its obligations.

Although there are no real limits to the type of enterprises that can be undertaken using the PPP model, certain kinds of projects seem like a better fit than others. Projects that produce a steady stream of income, such as toll bridges, toll roads, and water facilities, are particularly well-suited to PPPs, since the revenue stream can be relied upon by the private partner to recoup the costs of developing the project. Other successful PPP’s have included hospitals, schools, offices and penal facilities. (Many such projects are described by the Canadian agency promoting the use of PPP’s, while a list of American case studies is available from the National Council for Public-Private Partnerships.)

But PPPs are not limited to money-producing projects. Many public facilities, such as transit systems, customarily lose money and are supported by public funding. Such facilities can be operated through a PPP approach by means of subsidies, often termed “availability payments,” that provide a stream of income to the private partner for making the facility available for the intended use. These payments can be adjusted to provide incentives to the contractor to maintain the facilities in optimal condition.

The Risks and Rewards of PPPs

Because of PPPs’ potential to inject a stream of private capital into projects that otherwise would have to be deferred, infrastructure experts have become increasingly interested in turning to them. But despite their clear benefits, federal, state, and local governments have been slow to accelerate their use, as the risks of PPPs give government actors pause.

What are those risks? For one, PPP transactions typically involve more complexity than the traditional design-bid-build approach, given the added terms needed to address financing, operations and maintenance. Details that normally would be addressed throughout the course of a facility’s operation must be anticipated and addressed in the initial transaction. In order to handle the added complexity, agencies often turn to outside consulting and legal experts. The upfront cost of such help and the risk that a deal may not ultimately pan out may discourage some agencies from exploring PPP options.

Another risk is political. Sometimes PPP projects meet with opposition, often from public sector labor groups, who may view such projects as a threat to their jobs or bargaining power. Such is the case in California, where legislative initiatives to authorize PPP’s have been opposed by the Professional Engineers in California Government, a union that represents state-employed engineers.

A change in the political winds can also wreak havoc on a proposed PPP transaction. This occurred with the “Texas Trans-Corridor” project, an innovative proposal by Texas Gov. Rick Perry (R) to construct a series of combined infrastructure corridors in that state. While initially positively received, the proposal soon drew opposition from a vocal faction, leading to its demise. As one commentator noted: “It has been said that no single statewide issue in Texas had ever succeeded in unifying business, labor and agriculture interests plus small and large municipalities in a common effort since the Alamo fell.”

But while there are real risks in undertaking PPP transactions, the dilapidated state of our infrastructure leaves us with little choice but to consider them. Besides, the benefits far outstrip the risks – and even the risks are manageable provided agencies follow best practices. In cases where no alternative funding source is available, only PPPs can make public projects happen. One reason that agencies consider the PPP approach is to complete needed projects without increasing their debt load. In some circumstances, the agencies may prefer to shoulder long-term financial obligations (such as long-term leases) rather than bond obligations.

PPPs could lead to the prompt delivery of projects through more efficient contracting and the early initiation of a revenue stream. In some instances, the infrastructure project involves a highly technical facility, such as a desalinization plant, where a supplier can more accurately predict the timing and cost of project delivery. It can then contractually obligate itself to an accelerated delivery schedule with a fair degree of confidence.

PPPs also give public institutions the ability to selectively allocate risk between the public and private partners. Take the case of a toll road for which expected traffic counts might not materialize. Such a project might be unattractive to a private party, which might prefer a fixed payment rather than risk the uncertainty of traffic demands. A public entity in that instance might take such traffic variations in stride and be willing to bear that uncertainty, knowing it won’t face other risks that a private entity would, such as construction claims. The beauty of the PPP approach is that it allows a high degree of flexibility to the parties in intelligently allocating the various risks they face.

Conclusion

The success of PPP projects in Europe and Canada has sparked interest within the U.S., but only a few have been completed. A useful list of case studies of U.S projects highway and transit projects can be found in a report issued by the U.S. Department of Transportation, “Innovation Wave: An Update on the Burgeoning Private Sector Role in U.S. Highway and Transit Infrastructure.”

Examples of successfully completed American projects are the Las Vegas Monorail project and the South Bay Expressway, which links an active commercial port of entry at the Mexican border with the greater freeway network in San Diego County, California. Other American PPP projects under development include highway projects in Florida, Texas and Virginia. The Federal Highway Administration’s website contains useful descriptions of many domestic PPP projects, as well as others using the design-build contracting approach. In Canada, numerous projects have been completed, many of which are featured on the Canadian government’s PPP agency website. Just in time for he 2010 Winter Olympics, Vancouver, B.C. completed the “Canada Line,” a $2.054 Billion, 11.8-mile rapid transit line connecting downtown Vancouver with its international airport.

Although PPP transactions are both complicated and challenging, the prospect of developing significant infrastructure improvements without adding to public debt loads or diverting scarce general funds is a very attractive option. While some may distrust such solutions, a deal that is well-crafted and skillfully presented can engender public support. Given the growing shortfall in meeting our nation’s infrastructure needs, creative approaches like PPPs deserve thorough consideration as a means of delivering projects that might not otherwise come to fruition.

Earning Green Cards Through Diplomas

Friday, May 14th, 2010
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

The recent re-emergence of immigration on the national agenda, not to mention our slow recovery from an economic slump, has illuminated an underappreciated but serious flaw in U.S. immigration policy: It is fundamentally misaligned with the needs of America’s economy.

Our current policy does little to prevent an influx of undocumented workers across our southern border, or to raise the education levels of those who are already here. It admits legal immigrants mostly on the basis of unifying extended families, rather than the skills they bring. The U.S. in recent years has admitted roughly one million legal entrants per year. Of these, about two-thirds are admitted based on family ties, while 16 percent come in for employment-related reasons. Programs targeted at skilled migrants let in only about 180,000 people each year. Our immigration policy, in short, lowers the overall skill level in the U.S.

It is time we looked at immigration reform through the prism of human capital development. America’s ability to compete globally increasingly depends on skilled workers and ceaseless innovation. Two policies in particular will help us re-orient our immigration posture.

First, we need to make it easier for foreign students who receive advanced degrees from U.S. institutions in science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) to stay in the U.S. and join the workforce. Our current immigration system makes it unnecessarily difficult for STEM advanced-degree graduates who are here legally to gain employment. Those students have to compete with foreign-educated and more experienced workers for the 65,000 H1-B visas and 80,000 priority worker and advanced-degree green cards issued every year. We need to change immigration law so those students have a chance to earn a green card with their diploma.

But they are not the only students whose potential we are squandering with an outmoded immigration system. Every year up to 65,000 children of undocumented immigrants graduate high school. While it’s not illegal for them to attend college, universities and colleges have given new scrutiny to immigration status in the wake of 9/11, which has had a chilling effect on undocumented immigrants’ enrollment. It’s in our economic interest to encourage these kids to get a college education. Enacting a policy that would give them a path to citizenship through college education and national service can only strengthen the country.

Rewarding Achievement in Science and Math

First, we should enact policies that make it easier for motivated, capable young immigrants to establish U.S. citizenship. Attaching a green card — granting lawful permanent residence — to every foreign student’s post-graduate STEM degree diploma is one such policy.

Currently foreign students are allowed 12 months of practical training after completing their studies. Under a Department of Homeland Security interim ruling issued in 2008, foreign students with STEM degrees can extend that out to just over two years (29 months). However, students cannot have more than 90 days of unemployment during this time. Once their visa expires, they have to leave the U.S., taking their education and skills with them.

But the average unemployment stint is 130 days, and in this recession, over 200 days — more than twice the official limit. The rule means that students in technically intensive degrees are being turned away after valuable education capital has been invested in them. By attaching a green card to a STEM advanced degree, hardworking and high-achieving foreign students won’t have to leave the U.S. to apply their skills and find good work. From the U.S.’s perspective, it would get to keep bright and industrious workers who can add the most value to our economy.

The government should also exempt green-card recipients who hold advanced STEM degrees from green card caps currently in place. Advanced-degree holders currently face a five-year wait to get a green card. By exempting them from that cap, we can keep valuable human capital here.

Not everyone is on board with this idea. Critics have argued against policies that would encourage foreign students to enter STEM graduate programs in the U.S. They contend that providing further incentives for foreign students will accelerate the crowding out of U.S. students — particularly minorities — and workers in the STEM fields.

But such skeptics ignore the considerable benefits of a vigorous STEM/green card policy. The open flow of knowledge and talented researchers has long helped keep the U.S. at the forefront of science and technology. According to a National Academies report:

The participation of international graduate students and postdoctoral scholars is an important part of the research enterprise of the United States. In some fields they make up more than half the population of graduate students and postdoctoral scholars. If their presence were substantially diminished, important research and teaching activities in academe, industry, and federal laboratories would be curtailed, particularly if universities did not give more attention to recruiting and retaining domestic students.

Unleashing the innovative and entrepreneurial energies of our best students — be they American or foreign-born — will be key to America’s resurgence. Stapling a green card to the diplomas of foreign STEM advanced-degree holders is one concrete policy step we can take to ensure that outcome.

A Pathway for Children of Immigrants

The same opportunity to become integrated and contribute to American society should be given to those who came to the U.S. as children with their undocumented parents. This may strike some as controversial, but it’s common sense. When an adult comes into the U.S. illegally, he or she is exercising a choice and is responsible for its consequences. That’s not true of the child who follows his or her parent across the border. A child should not have to suffer severe legal and economic limitations for the simple act of following a parent’s decision.

Yet that’s exactly what happens under the current system. Right now, the children of undocumented immigrants are stuck: As they grow up and go to school, they become more and more American. Yet this country gives them no pathway to legal residency or citizenship. This is bad not just for them, but also for our nation. We are consigning thousands of people to uncertain limbo status, with little hope for full membership in our society. But we are also depriving ourselves of the opportunity to benefit from their energy, ideas, talents and engagement in our national life.

We can tackle this problem by offering an expedited pathway to citizenship for young undocumented immigrants who go to college or engage in meaningful national service. This idea has been floated as part of the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act. The measure would grant conditional permanent-resident status to undocumented immigrants who entered the U.S. before their 16th birthday, lived here for at least five years, are of good moral character and either graduated from high school or attained admission to college.

Opponents of this initiative complain that giving permanent-resident status to children of undocumented immigrants will be just a backdoor way for their parents to document themselves and live legally in the U.S. But those objections don’t stand up to scrutiny. Permanent residents can only petition for spouses and unmarried children, not parents or siblings. Citizens can petition for siblings or parents, but if that relative has been living in the U.S. illegally for more than a year, they may not re-enter the U.S. for 10 years.

It’s also worth noting that comprehensive immigration reform will likely result in some undocumented families having to leave the U.S. For those who meet the conditions to stay, it’s in our economic interest to encourage their kids to get a college education.

Estimates of the number of young people who would become eligible for legal residency under the Dream Act vary widely. The Migration Policy Institute has estimated (PDF) that 360,000 unauthorized immigrants would become immediately eligible, with perhaps another 715,000 who might become so if they make it through high school and meet the other requirements.

Supporters of this idea should be open to some changes in order to not only win passage but also strengthen the benefits from the proposal. For example, if the only way to get the initiative through Congress is to extend the academic requirement for full permanent-resident status from two years of college to four, that’s better than seeing the whole thing go down to defeat, as what happened with the Dream Act.

A broader definition of national service can also win additional votes. Let’s expand the service requirement beyond military experience. An undocumented youth might satisfy the service provision by teaching in low-income schools, tutoring in an adult-literacy program, helping to maintain our national parks, serving in the Peace Corps, or enlisting in a service program established by one of the states.

A Pragmatic Course

America’s immigration policy is badly broken and requires fixes that go far beyond what we have proposed here. We need sweeping reform that dramatically reduces illegal immigration by enforcing laws in the workplace; that ties legalization to workplace verification of identity and legal status; that enlarges the pipeline for legal immigrants, particularly those with high skills; and that engages Mexico in cooperative efforts to curb the flow of guns and people across the border and confront the scourge of narco-terrorism.

A progressive blueprint for reform must also bring our anachronistic immigration laws into closer alignment with America’s economic needs. America can only hold onto its high living standards by competing on the basis of high-value goods and services. Because rapid innovation is key to U.S. comparative advantage, we need immigration policies that attract more educated and skill workers to our shores.

Immigration reform must tilt our laws toward skills. We could achieve this by increasing the number of permanent visas to skilled workers; by replacing per-country limits — which effectively cap skilled entrants from large countries like China and India — with an overall limit; and by limiting family-sponsored preferences to nuclear rather than extended family members.

And we must take the two steps proposed here: stapling a green card to diplomas awarded to foreign students who graduate with advanced STEM degrees from U.S. universities, and offering legal status to qualified children of undocumented immigrants who get a college degree. Offering a pathway to citizenship to high-achieving immigrants doesn’t just reward talent and diligence — it will lay the groundwork for America’s resurgence in the 21st century.

Khartoum Dispatch: Assessing the Sudan Elections

Tuesday, April 20th, 2010
Sean Brooks



Sean Brooks is a policy analyst at the Save Darfur Coalition. He recently returned from a month-long trip to Sudan.

by Sean Brooks

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Millions of Sudanese have just finished voting in their country’s first multiparty elections in 24 years. Election officials estimate that, in a relatively peaceful process, turnout of registered voters exceeded 70 percent nationwide, including up to 55 percent in one state in war-ravaged Darfur. (Final turnout figures had yet to be announced at the time of publication.) The voting period was extended from three to five days due to a host of technical problems and irregularities. Sometime this week, the National Election Commission will announce the results.

Yet despite the higher than expected estimated turnout, the election should hardly be a cause for celebration among advocates for democracy. At the top of the ballot, Sudanese leader and indicted war criminal Omar al-Bashir’s name appeared as his party’s candidate for president. Bashir took power via military coup in 1989. In the years since, his regime prosecuted a war in the south from 1989 through 2005 and, more notoriously, has conducted a deadly policy of mass murder and displacement in Darfur since 2003.

On the surface, the Bashir government has made all the right moves, urging all Sudanese parties to participate and asking the international community to observe the process. But the facts on the ground show a government that has engaged in political repression and intimidation, and an election that fell short of international standards. Citing the restrictive environment, in the last week of the campaign period leading opposition parties announced a general boycott of the elections. As the results from the election are counted up, one thing is clear: A “democratically elected” Bashir government will be no less ruthless and oppressive than the Bashir military dictatorship.

Yet since last fall, the Obama administration has avoided directly challenging the credibility of Sudan’s elections, despite being heavily engaged in mediation efforts across Sudan. Many analysts feel that the U.S. merely wants to get past the elections in order to focus on the critical referendum for south Sudan scheduled for January 2011 — a vote that many expect will lead to the south’s secession from Sudan. It’s an outcome that the U.S. favors, predicting that the south will be a reliable, oil-producing ally in restive East Africa. In a bid to set the table for next year, the administration has seemed ready to accept the legitimization of the Bashir regime in this month’s vote in exchange for his cooperation on the referendum.

But with the election’s legitimacy in tatters, President Obama must be clear that the election of Bashir will have no effect on how the U.S. views those in power in Khartoum — as an unrepresentative clique that refuses to loosen their firm grip on the country. And regardless of the results, the administration must continue to pressure all parties to bring comprehensive and durable peace to Darfur, implement the final stages of the north-south peace agreement that mandates the 2011 referendum, and carry on the long process of democratization that serves as the most solid foundation for durable peace.

The State of Play

The elections were first put in place with the 2005 signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between Bashir’s National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). That ended a civil war — Africa’s longest running — which pitted the mainly Muslim north, controlled by the Bashir regime, and the Christian south, ruled by the SPLM. The agreement also called for a referendum in the south, scheduled for January 2011, which would determine whether Sudan would remain united or the south would secede.

Bashir and his regime entered the 2010 election season with its autocratic rule intact. At the helm of a one-party state for two decades, they retained complete control of the security and media sectors, and possessed far greater financial and organizational resources than the SPLM and opposition parties in the north. Control of Darfur also remained assured, while it was thought that southerners would care less about the elections than the referendum in 2011. Given these advantages, Bashir, at campaign rallies and in formal interviews, had built up the elections as a milestone for the country. “No one forced these elections on us,” Bashir recently stated. “We want fair elections, we want clean elections.”

Despite such favorable conditions, the NCP has not restrained the National Intelligence and Security Services and other elements of the state security apparatus from committing human rights violations. Student activists have been their primary targets. Members of Girifna — a youth organization whose name means “we are fed up” in Arabic — have used social media tools to relay their encounters with state security. The most gruesome incident involved the arrest, detention and torture of a member in March. While in custody, the security agents threatened him with a picture of a well-known Darfuri student activist whose mangled body had been discarded a month earlier near the University of Khartoum.

Human Rights Watch has documented these and other numerous cases of arrests, detention and intimidation of activists and opposition party members; harassment of journalists; breaking up and prevention of public gatherings; and censorship. In Darfur, home to almost 20 percent of the population, opposition parties and citizens also face these challenges, as well as the day-to-day security realities of a place far from peace. Candidates themselves, for instance, have been violently targeted by unknown assailants, while whole areas of the region remain off-limits to election monitors, United Nations/African Union peacekeepers and humanitarian organizations. According to the International Crisis Group, the NCP also had its eyes on rigging elections in Darfur to secure millions of much-needed votes in the three Darfur states. In a recent report, the group highlighted the systematic ways in which the NCP has manipulated the census, influenced the delineation of electoral districts, limited voter registration, and co-opted and bought the loyalties of traditional leaders.

It’s not just Bashir’s government. The SPLM has been accused of harassment and intimidation against smaller opposition parties in the south and independent candidates that broke away from the SPLM after not receiving the party’s nomination. Equally worrisome for southerners, the elections are taking place during a period in which they have already seen the worst violence since the end of the war in 2005. Last year alone, over 2,500 people died in inter-communal violence, and many civil society leaders and analysts in the south fear even greater violence ahead of the 2011 referendum.

The result of the political chaos was an election whose legitimacy was already in doubt before a ballot was cast. With a week left before the elections, the SPLM candidate for president suddenly announced he was withdrawing from the race on account of the unfair conditions and the ongoing crisis in Darfur. Other leading parties within the alliance also announced their formal boycott of the vote. No major political figures challenged Bashir, and many of the other parliamentary and state-level positions in the north went uncontested in last week’s ballot.

What’s at Stake

For Bashir — who remains wanted by the International Criminal Court on seven charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity for his government’s policies in Darfur — the elections are aimed at one objective: restoring legitimacy at home and abroad.

For the people of Sudan, the stakes could not be any higher. Where will the elections leave the Darfuri people? Over two million out of Darfur’s estimated seven million people live in displaced persons camps, while Darfur’s rebel movements continue to clash with Sudanese government forces in hot spots across the region. Millions in Darfur boycotted the registration period because they did not want their participation to bestow credibility on an election process that left them with few candidates on the ballot representing their interests. With a new mandate on power supported by the participation of Darfur in the elections, many Darfuris and Sudanese fear that the NCP will likely abandon the peace process and instead seek to gain greater control of Darfur through the state and national leaders “elected” to serve their interests.

As for the people of south Sudan, they retain the option to secede from a newly legitimized government in Khartoum with the referendum in 2011. Yet these elections have demonstrated that political space in south Sudan is also quite restrictive, with the arrest and intimidation of independent candidates and detention of election monitors. As Alex de Waal wrote, “As the endgame of the [Comprehensive Peace Agreement] is played out, the fundamental question facing Sudan may not be whether it is one nation or two, but whether it is governed or ungoverned. The ongoing decline of trust and legitimacy has created a situation in which staying in power is the only task that either of the two ruling parties can achieve.” An American endorsement of — or, at the very least, silence in the face of — illiberal and even brutal behavior by both Khartoum and Juba, the southern capital, could have unintended consequences for the future.

The chief concern among southerners is that Bashir may attempt to use his new government to obstruct the referendum process. Perhaps signaling postelection plans to stop secession by any means necessary, Bashir, on the last day of campaigning, revealed the results of what he claimed was a confidential poll of southern Sudanese. This survey, he said, found that 30 percent of southerners would opt for secession in the referendum scheduled for January 2011, while 40 percent would choose unity. These numbers contradict all other assessments of public opinion that consistently show overwhelming support for secession. Southerners fear how Bashir will interpret his mandate to govern them over the next eight months before the referendum.

Meanwhile, the millions of Sudanese living in the north may share similar fates to the people of Darfur. Communities in eastern Sudan and the so-called Three Areas (South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Abyei) have also suffered decades of Khartoum’s neglect and oppression. Keeping the fragile peace in place in these regions will require intensive consultative processes with a variety of stakeholders. There has also been no discussion as to what will happen to the Interim Constitution, adopted after the signing of the peace agreement, if the south chooses secession. Sudanese human rights and civil society leaders fear that because of the lack of constitutional guarantees, there will never be another round of elections in Sudan.

Business as Usual or Change We Can Believe In?

In his inaugural address, President Obama declared, “To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.” Unfortunately, in the case of Sudan, the hand remains extended, even as the fist remains clenched and poised to strike.

To handle the crisis in Darfur and fulfill the U.S.’s role as a guarantor to the peace deal, the Obama administration wisely chose to engage all parties in Sudan to find peaceful resolutions to the multiple challenges facing the country. U.S. Special Envoy Scott Gration and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton laid out the objectives of this approach in October 2009: a definitive end to conflict, gross human rights abuses and genocide in Darfur; the implementation of a north-south agreement that results in a peaceful post-2011 Sudan, or an orderly path toward two separate and viable states at peace with each other; and assurance that Sudan does not provide a safe haven for international terrorists. In addition to this plan, administration officials promised to balance the use of sticks and carrots, with benchmarks of verifiable changes in behavior by Khartoum and others who would block the path to durable peace.

The run-up to the elections, however, has shown an administration hesitant to call out the Bashir regime. Instead, it has argued that the elections — regardless of the political conditions — are a necessary step for peace. Rather than challenging the regime to follow through with its commitment to create a hospitable environment for free and fair elections, Gration has regularly downplayed and, in some cases, made excuses for the substandard electoral processes. In the chaotic weekend following the pullout of a number of parties and candidates, Gration exerted considerable effort to salvage the process, telling reporters that Sudanese officials had “given [him] confidence that the elections … would be as free and as fair as possible” and that they “have gone to great lengths to ensure that the people of Sudan will have access to polling places and that the procedures and processes will ensure transparency.” As a result, many opposition parties and civil society activists in Sudan have begun to lose confidence in the U.S.’s commitment to democracy and human rights.

It is not too late for President Obama to hold firm to his inaugural promise and declare his administration’s disapproval of politics as usual in Sudan. When the election results are announced this week, he can lead the international community in interpreting their significance. Rather than offering unearned praise, he should state that the administration still regards Bashir as an indicted war criminal on the wrong side of history. If the U.S. fails to stand up for its principles, advocates for democracy around the world will be disheartened, the Bashir government will continue to act with impunity, and the Sudanese people will lose faith in America, even as they face an uncertain and potentially dangerous future.

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Photo credits: http://www.flickr.com/photos/un_photo/ / CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Reviving the Labor Market with Middle-Skill Jobs

Wednesday, April 7th, 2010
Harry Holzer



Harry J. Holzer is a professor of public policy at Georgetown University and served as chief economist for the U.S. Department of Labor in the Clinton administration.

by Harry Holzer

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The importance of worker education and skills to labor market success in the U.S. has never been clearer than it is now. The current economic downturn has hit all groups quite hard, but especially those with the least education and fewest skills. And as the labor market slowly begins to recover this year, we will be reminded of a basic fact of economic life: Workers increasingly need meaningful postsecondary education or training to find jobs that pay enough to sustain a middle-class lifestyle.

To its credit, the Obama administration recognizes how essential education and skills are in expanding labor market success, and has created some important initiatives to improve outcomes for all groups — especially the disadvantaged, who suffer the most from “achievement gaps” that open early in life. The administration’s Race to the Top fund creates strong incentives and financial support for school reforms in the K-12 system. Its American Graduation Initiative will provide grants for innovation in community colleges designed to improve both attendance and graduation rates. And the government has hiked Pell Grants by a considerable amount, as part of recently enacted reforms in the funding of federal student loan programs.

But are these initiatives enough, or should we be casting a wider net when dealing with various kinds of skill gaps and their role in labor markets? We need to consider the many levels at which shortfalls in education and skills plague American workers, and then determine the appropriate range of remedies for these problems.

Specifically, we need to prepare American youth and adults not only for jobs requiring four years of college and graduate study, but also for those we call “middle-skill” jobs — jobs that require something beyond a high school diploma but less than a bachelor’s degree. These jobs frequently pay well and are in high demand in the U.S. labor market, but too few workers now have the skills to fill them. A range of policy interventions to improve the skill levels and workforce-relevant credentials among Americans can raise the numbers of good jobs they can fill, and provide a gateway to the middle class that is now often closed for so many.

The Scale of Our Challenge

About a quarter of all American youth still drop out of high school each year.1 The research shows that some do so because of poor basic skills, but others are driven by boredom and the lack of any observed relevance of their high school coursework to their future earnings prospects.2 Of course, by dropping out, they create a self-fulfilling prophecy in which their earnings prospects are certain to be poor throughout their lives. Many will withdraw from the labor market altogether — especially under the current circumstances of a severe downturn and likely slow recovery. For some groups of dropouts (like young African-Americans), the odds of becoming incarcerated and parenting outside of marriage will be enormous, generating huge costs to themselves and to the rest of society.

Another quarter of American youth fail to attain any postsecondary education beyond high school graduation.3 They leave school without occupational skills or work experience that the labor market rewards, and with no plans for enhancing those skills. Both their employment rates and earnings levels after leaving school will be limited for many years, as they move from one unrewarding job to the next.

Among those who attend college — whether two- or four-year — dropout rates are also very high. Fewer than 60 percent of students in four-year colleges graduate within six years.4 For those who attend community college, the odds of emerging with any type of credential after six years are even lower, below 50 percent.5 This is particularly true for minority and disadvantaged students, both youth and adults. Indeed, it is likely that a large majority of newly funded Pell Grant recipients will attend college, get stuck in remedial classes and drop out before obtaining any meaningful credential.

Even among those who finish, the labor market value of the certificates and associates degrees they acquire vary enormously, with too many students obtaining credentials that the market does not particularly value or reward.6 Our community and four-year colleges often lack any direct ties to our workforce development systems, and do not provide students with available information on career progressions or labor market opportunities. And many colleges do not face incentives or financial support for expanding capacity in areas of strong market demand, especially in the technical areas where instructors and equipment are relatively more costly to obtain.

Building Up the Middle-Skill Market

Our labor market generates strong rewards on average for those with college and, especially, graduate degrees, particularly in the “STEM” fields (science, technology, engineering and math). Improving student attainments in these areas is important for maintaining a competitive economy. But it is also striking that, over time, there remains strong demand in the U.S. for many middle-skill jobs.

Contrary to the popular view that we are developing a “dumbbell” labor market or an “hourglass” economy — with a shrinking middle and an expanding top and bottom — my work with Robert Lerman points to continuing strong demand and good pay in a wide range of jobs and sectors at the middle of the labor market. Indeed, a wide range of evidence shows that employers often have difficulty filling these middle-skill jobs, even when wages are rising and the job market is not very tight.

What kinds of jobs are these, and where are they located? In health and elder care, there will continue to be strong demand for nurses (including licensed practical nurses and certified nursing assistants) and many other kinds of technicians and aides. In construction (which will recover, albeit slowly, from the bursting of the housing bubble), there are frequent shortages in the skilled crafts. In manufacturing — despite a long-term decline in employment — demand remains quite strong for skilled workers, like machinists and even for welders.

A wide variety of economic sectors generate demands for technicians in equipment installation, maintenance and repair. A shift to a “greener” economy will generate many such jobs, as will increased federal spending on the repair and modernization of infrastructure. And in several diverse parts of the service sector, there is a strong need for well-trained personnel: police and firefighters, legal aid and protective service employees, and even cooks and chefs in restaurants.

Many of these jobs pay well enough to help support a middle-class lifestyle, and would be within reach of many of our high school graduates and dropouts who currently flounder in the job market and in life. It’s a tragic irony that over two million Americans are incarcerated on any given day — and several times that number are permanently scarred by criminal records — because many never saw pathways to good-paying jobs, while employers frequently can’t find enough trained welders, electricians and plumbers when they need them.

Of course, strong basic skills are required in all of these areas. No one would argue against the need to close the “achievement gaps” in youth literacy and numeracy skills — or that young people should be better prepared to handle college-level work. Still, the many levels at which educational outcomes are weak, along with the lack of occupational training and relevant workplace experience for so many who will likely not attend or complete college, suggests the need for a broader approach — one that prepares young people for labor market opportunities, wherever they appear.

A Range of Fixes

Both federal and state governments need to implement a range of policies that will reduce high school dropout rates and encourage young people and adults to develop the skills needed to obtain a postsecondary credential and succeed in the workforce. Different policies are appropriate for different groups; there is no magic bullet, and one size does not fit all.

Research is now generating a body of statistical evidence on “what works” in enhancing educational and employment outcomes for different populations.

First, it is clear that high-quality career and technical education in secondary and postsecondary schools can generate strong payoffs for at-risk youth. The Career Academies, which operate at 1,500 high schools nationwide, provide students with occupational training and work experience in a particular economic sector, even while they take academic courses and curricula. Evidence suggests that the Academies strongly reduce dropout rates among at-risk youth and improve their earnings for many years afterwards without discouraging students from obtaining postsecondary education. Other models, like Tech Prep and other apprenticeship programs, provide strong payoffs by moving young people directly from high school into community or technical colleges and offering them relevant work experience.

For youth who have already dropped out of school, the successful models are less clear. Intensive remediation efforts in a variety of settings — including the military model of the National Guard Challenge program — show some promise. But we also know that the provision of paid work experience to low-income young people is often critical for maintaining their interest and participation because they so value the upfront rewards of compensation. And systemic approaches that combine a range of services with educational and employment opportunities for young people, such as those in the Youth Opportunities program for poor neighborhoods implemented at the end of the Clinton administration, have generated successful outcomes.7

Second, workforce training for disadvantaged adults with some decent basic skills can be very successful if it generates a postsecondary credential and targets a strong sector of the economy that provides good-paying jobs. Indeed, sectoral training, in which workers are connected to employers and obtain work experience while they receive training, has shown some very strong results. Career pathway models, which combine classroom curricula and work experience leading to occupational certifications at a variety of levels, are also very promising.

Often, an active “intermediary” is needed to assist trainees with making connections to the labor market and obtaining the necessary support services (like child care and transportation) along the way. State-level training grants and technical assistance to employers in these sectors can often encourage them to train more of their incumbent workers and generate pathways into better-paying work within existing firms. Indeed, states like Pennsylvania, which have actively targeted key economic sectors and integrated their workforce and economic strategies, will likely reap major rewards as their labor markets recover in the next few years.

Third, we are learning what generates greater success in improving the odds of certificate or degree completion for disadvantaged students in community colleges. Performance-based financial aid (above and beyond the Pell Grant), which might include stipends, mandatory support services and small “learning communities” of students, all seem to help.

Further, programs that integrate remedial education and occupational training seem to generate higher success rates for disadvantaged students. One such approach, the well-known I-BEST program in the state of Washington, integrates basic adult education with occupational training (from two teachers) in each class; statistical evidence so far indicates that it has a potentially strong impact on educational outcomes. New curricular developments, like modular classes and “stackable credentials,” might help as well.

Fourth, under the very best circumstances, millions of low-income youth and adults will still end up in the many low-paying jobs that our economy now creates. We need stronger pay incentives to make sure these workers remain attached to the labor market under these circumstances. The Earned Income Tax Credit played a huge role in encouraging low-income single mothers to take jobs under welfare reform, and would likely have similar success in rewarding disadvantaged childless adults and non-custodial fathers when they work. And subsidized work for ex-offenders in the form of “transitional jobs” reduces their recidivism and raises work effort, at least in the short term.

Conclusion

What all of this suggests is that a broader set of educational and employment supports must be provided to encourage further success at all these levels. Reforms in the K-12 system remain critical and greater funding for Pell Grants will help.

But these should not be done in isolation from efforts to expand high-quality career and technical education, and better integrate education, workforce and economic development systems. Enhanced financial support for both youth and adults in a wide range of postsecondary education institutions, including community and technical colleges and apprenticeship programs, must be linked to a broader range of labor market information and services for them, while the systems themselves must be made more responsive to labor market realities. And expanding both educational opportunities and work supports for at-risk or disconnected youth and adults — including those still in high school as well as those who have dropped out of school and the labor market — are critical as well.

Any public resources expended in such efforts should be based on evidence of best practices and tied to further rigorous evaluation. In the current fiscal situation, such resources are scarce. But the social and economic costs of not making the needed investments in the skills of our youth and adults are enormous, while the payoffs to successful efforts in these realms can be quite impressive.

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1 James Heckman and Paul LaFontaine, “The American High School Graduation Rate: Trends and Levels.” IZA Discussion Paper No. 3216, December 2007.

2 Robert Lerman, “Career-Focused Education and Training for Youth,” in H. Holzer and D. Nightingale eds. Reshaping the American Workforce in a Changing Economy. Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute Press, 2007.

3 See Heckman and LaFontaine, op cit.

4 Frederick M. Hess, et. al., “Diplomas and Dropouts: Which Colleges Actually Graduate Their Students (and Which Don’t),” American Enterprise Institute, June 2009; available at http://www.aei.org/paper/100019.

5 Thomas Bailey, et al., “Is Student Success Labeled Institutional Failure? Student Goals and Graduation Rates in the Accountability Debate at Community Colleges,” Community College Research Center, Teachers College, Columbia University, 2006. Of those students entering in any year, 36 percent earn degrees and certificates while another 13 percent have transferred elsewhere but not yet earned a degree.

6 Louis Jacobson and Christine Mokher, “Pathways to Boosting the Earnings of Low-Income Workers by Increasing their Educational Attainment,” The Hudson Institute and CNA, January 2009.

7 See “Youth Opportunity Grant Initiative: Executive Summary,” Decision Information Resources, March 2008. Report submitted to Employment and Training Administration, U.S. Department of Labor, Washington, D.C. The evaluation evidence showed increases in secondary school enrollments and in labor force participation rates for youth in the high-poverty neighborhoods receiving these grants.

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Clean Energy, Guaranteed: Why Nuclear Energy Is Worth the Cost

Monday, March 29th, 2010
Andrew Klein



Andrew C. Klein is a Professor of Nuclear Engineering and Radiation Health Physics at Oregon State University.

by Andrew Klein

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Last month, President Obama announced $8.33 billion in loan guarantees for the construction of two nuclear reactors in Georgia — the first to be built in the U.S. in more than 30 years. That announcement followed the president’s proposal to triple nuclear loan guarantees to $54.5 billion in his latest budget. If there had been any doubt about the administration’s support for nuclear power, the president’s actions in recent weeks should dispel them.

Obama’s pro-nuclear approach has displeased some of his allies in the environmental community. Erich Pica, president of Friends of the Earth, which endorsed Obama in the 2008 election, told the New York Times recently, “We were hopeful last year; he was saying all the right things. But now he has become a full-blown nuclear power proponent, a startling change over the last few months.”

But the president’s advocacy for nuclear energy shouldn’t disappoint progressives. Over the past few years the need to significantly reduce the emissions of carbon into the atmosphere has become generally accepted. This can only be accomplished if we replace large amounts of carbon-emitting electricity generated by coal with low- and non-emitting sources. While renewable sources like wind and solar power will no doubt play a greater role as we move beyond fossil fuels, we are still decades away from scaling up those sources and upgrading the grid to meet our base load electricity requirements. In light of our electricity needs, nuclear power must be a part of our energy future.

Nuclear currently makes up about 20 percent of our electricity usage and 70 percent of non-carbon-emitting electricity generation. To increase the fraction of non-emitting sources to displace fossil fuel-based power, we need to build new nuclear power plants, as the industry already is producing at more than 90 percent capacity in the existing 104 plants in the U.S. today.

Building new nuclear plants is an expensive proposition, however. Indeed, the cost of building new plants is one of the primary criticisms leveled against nuclear power. But as this policy memo demonstrates, while cost is a problem, it is not an insurmountable one. The cost factor is certainly no more onerous for nuclear than it is for solar and wind. To their credit, proponents of clean energy have refused to let the high cost of scaling up renewables prevent them from continuing to push for such projects. Why then do so many clean energy proponents insist on crossing off nuclear from the energy mix by pointing to its costliness?

If we really are serious about creating a post- carbon future, solar and wind need to play a prominent role — but so does nuclear. Sure, nuclear plant capital costs are high, but nuclear plants have an advantage, in that their fuel costs are low, well understood and stable.

Solar and wind have the same economic and greenhouse gas-reducing characteristics as nuclear, with one very important difference: scale. Renewables come in very small unit sizes. The largest wind turbines have a capacity of no more than two to three megawatts, requiring the use of many, many individual turbines in a farm configuration. Nuclear plants come mostly in large sizes, with each plant producing up to 1,700 megawatts. A wind turbine rated at one megawatt of electrical capacity can provide enough electricity to power up to 300 homes for one year — and that’s when it’s generating electricity when the wind blows, which is the case about one-third of the time.

Compare that with a nuclear plant, which produces electricity better than 90 percent of the time, and can produce exponentially more power than a wind farm. A single nuclear plant rated at 1,700 megawatt capacity can provide power for a year for 1,258,000 homes per year.

Why Costs Are So High

The administration’s announcement of new loan guarantees for nuclear power underscores the reality that building nuclear plants is an expensive enterprise. Seventy percent of the cost of nuclear energy lies in upfront construction costs, while only 20 percent are in operations and maintenance and 10 percent goes toward fuel. Compare that to coal and natural gas, whose upfront costs are lower but whose fuel costs are considerably higher, and even more so when carbon is priced under a cap-and-trade regime.

The difficulties in building new nuclear plants are driven largely by the uncertainty surrounding the costs associated with large infrastructure projects. There are four primary causes for the high cost of assembling new nuclear plants:

  • Nuclear plants are some of the largest capital construction projects that exist today. A new nuclear power plant requires a significant amount of specialty materials and equipment that require well-established pedigrees to guarantee the highest standards of quality and safety.
  • Relatively long periods of time are needed to design, license and construct large facilities. Schedules are also affected by uncertainties related to delays that plague construction projects. As the U.S. hasn’t built a plant in three decades, the supply chain for highly specialized materials has atrophied — a factor that also compounds the problem.
  • High interest rates on borrowed money. Interest rates for nuclear projects typically carry an added premium to account for the uncertainty arising from missed construction deadlines and budget overruns that occurred during the construction of some nuclear projects in the late 1970’s and early ’80s.
  • Economies of scale have driven both reactor equipment suppliers and their potential customers to ever larger — and more exorbitantly priced — plants.

To hear critics of nuclear energy tell it, nuclear is simply too expensive a clean energy option for the U.S. But solar and wind projects are actually more expensive on the basis of cost per unit of electricity delivered. Without significant tax incentives, loan guarantees and power purchase requirements that have been given to developers of wind and solar farms to spur their growth, it is highly unlikely that we would have seen these large land-use icons pop up around the country.

The U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) recently released their estimates of average levelized capital costs of electricity for new plants entering service in 2016. The EIA’s estimate took into account construction costs and time, operating and fuel expenses, and the costs of financing. The total system levelized cost for nuclear power was $119 per megawatt-hour (in 2008 dollars). That was lower than the estimate for wind ($149.3), offshore wind ($191.1), solar thermal ($256.6) and solar photovoltaic ($396.1).

One edge that nuclear has over solar and wind is its reliability. Currently, solar and wind suffer from the problem of intermittency — when the clouds come out or the winds die down, power stops being generated, which requires gas-powered backups and development of more advanced storage technology. Nuclear, on the other hand, produces 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, and is largely immune to daily and seasonal weather changes.

Moreover, nuclear has met the test of longevity. The upfront costs may be high, but nuclear plants stand for a long time. Nuclear reactors typically receive operating licenses of 40 years from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. But nearly half of the country’s 104 reactors have received extensions for another 20 years of operation, and there is a reasonable expectation that almost all reactors will eventually be granted 20-year extensions by the agency.

What to Do About Costs

No more expensive in key cost metrics compared to solar and wind power, nuclear energy must be considered part of the energy mix if we are to move beyond fossil fuels. Solving the cost issue is central to making nuclear a key part of our energy future.

There are several potential answers here:

  • An expanded federal loan guarantee program to address the problems of long development times and cost. With the Obama administration’s tripling of the loan guarantee program in its 2010 budget — to $54 billion — and the announcement of $8 billion in loan guarantees for the completion of two new plants in Georgia, it’s obvious that the administration understands the importance of loan guarantees to jump-start our nuclear industry. Now Congress needs to follow the administration’s lead and provide these funds.Expanding the loan guarantee program to spur a larger number of projects sends a significant signal to the industry that the federal government is serious about nuclear energy. Note that a loan guarantee isn’t the same as a subsidy. All that a guarantee does is put the government on the hook in case the utility is unable to repay the loans they took out for the project. The government, by guaranteeing the loans, is merely greasing the wheel for nuclear construction projects to be funded by private banks. It should also be noted that the utilities pay a premium to have this insurance — a so-called credit subsidy cost to cover the government’s long-term liabilities.Past troubles with nuclear construction projects, most notably the bond defaults in Washington State in the early 1980s, were caused by rapid overexpansion by power companies that predicted that electricity demand would grow, as it had for decades up to that time, at seven percent per year. When actual demand rates fell far short of that historical target (more like one-to-two percent per year), many large nuclear construction projects were simply not needed. Electricity demand continues to grow, even now, just at a slower rate. The current risk of default is considerably reduced as both construction advances and load growth are much better understood now than they were in the late 1970s and early ’80s.
  • The way nuclear plants are built also contribute to their enormous costs. When plants were built in the 1970s and ’80s, they were constructed with designs that were specific to their locations. In other words, there was no standardization of plant design. More than two decades later, we now know we can do better — and cheaper. Design simplification, modularization and factory construction rather than onsite construction should be central to any effort to cut nuclear plant construction costs. Designing plants in a way that minimizes the need for high-cost materials — without sacrificing safety and quality, of course — would also contribute to making plants less expensive. By standardizing the way plants are built, we can make the process of construction much more efficient and less prone to mistakes and delays that have hobbled previous projects.
  • Having utilities build smaller reactors could also help. Too often, utilities take on large nuclear projects that start out with an astronomical price tag. Even small budget overruns and construction deadline delays become high-cost items in their own right. Smaller reactors are viewed by lenders as lower-risk investments, which could make it easier and cheaper to finance such projects. There are a number of companies now developing and marketing designs at small capacity. If they can prove their concepts to both the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and potential utility buyers and investors, it could prove to be a game-changer in the nuclear renaissance.
  • We should also consider public ownership or majority-interest construction, similar to the large water projects of the 1920s and ’30s that saw the federal government build the Tennessee Valley Authority, the Bonneville Power Authority and other entities to provide electricity for the public good. To this day, the government still manages and operates TVA and other similar projects. Indeed, this may be the only possible pathway for construction of large-scale nuclear power plants in the U.S. It already is the path that is being used in other countries.

If the Rest of the World Can Build Nuclear, Why Can’t We?

As we have engaged in a political tug-of-war over whether to make nuclear energy a part of our energy future, other countries have moved ahead with construction and financing their own nuclear plants. China, France, Russia, Finland, Japan and South Korea are all building plants using domestic knowledge and resources with the intent of building more plants both domestically and globally. Many of these countries are using government funds or incentives to achieve faster construction times and less investment risk.

Even those that are using private funds to build new large nuclear projects have a close working relationship with their governments, which makes construction times and, ultimately, costs more manageable. They undertake their projects secure in the knowledge that each new completed plant only adds to their understanding and mastery of nuclear technology.

Moving up the learning curve for nuclear financing and construction are important steps that the U.S. needs to take now. We cannot abandon the technology simply because of uncertainties in financing new construction. We have already fallen behind and ceded global leadership in this important technology — one that we pioneered — to others. Other countries have proven the capability and capacity to build nuclear projects on time and on budget. There is no reason we can’t do the same.

Conclusion

Nuclear energy is simply too important a technology for the long-term health of the planet for us to ignore. The cost problem is real — but it is not without solutions. Considering how badly we need to begin reducing carbon emissions immediately, the continuing efforts by some progressives to throw nuclear out of the energy mix — even as they support less reliable and just as costly renewables — is discouraging.

At least the Obama administration is moving in the right direction. As the U.S. embarks on a revival of its nuclear industry, progressives should rethink their long-standing opposition to nuclear power. To free ourselves from coal’s grip, we cannot leave any fuel behind. President Obama’s push for nuclear is exactly the kind of pragmatic, progressive approach to addressing climate change and clean energy that deserves our support.

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